The book “Defying all Odds” was written by Albert and Comfort Ocran and was published by Legacy and Legacy in 2009.
Mr and Mrs Ocran are the bestselling authors of "101 keys to achievement and fulfillment".
The book talks about surmounting ten of the greatest obstacles on ones way of reaching the ultimate goal in life.
However, to be able to defy the odds, one needs to challenge or openly resist every force that seeks to put him/her at a disadvantage.
The book has teen chapters and 222 pages.
It also highlights ten most common obstacles we all face in our quest for success in life.
The book tries to identify barriers like past failures, stagnation, poor choices, character failings, physical limitations, competitions as well as lack of resources.
It indicated that, however difficult and dangerous the race is, one definitely needs to finish it.
"Defying all odds" is an inspirational as well as thought provoking series compiled by the couple.
It also tries to build ones spiritual uprightness.
Chapter one (1) of the book talks about the “Lure of Gravity” which indicates clearly that the shallow end or the bottom of any venture tends to be crowded with limited opportunities while the deep end or the top is where every body must aspire to be.
But before one gets there, he/she must surmount all obstacles that restrain him/her.
Hence chapter two (3) talks about “You look different” which indicate that many people find themselves stagnating in their careers, relationships because of their size, height, gender or other physical peculiarities.
However, others have surmounted acute physical odds and gone on to achieve great things in life.
Also chapter three (3) which talked about “Stay where you are” focused on the fact that ones effort to rise to the top of his/her field would be confronted by different levels of opposition. It therefore stated that one has to fight his/her way beyond opponents.
“Why me Lord”? Is what chapter four (4) of the book talks about. It says that ones desire to succeed in life will often be tested by setbacks and unfavorable circumstances.
It also indicates that, one should allow his/her challenges and adversities to act like sand paper until he/she is transformed into something better.
“I have nothing” is chapter five (5). It says, many people do not reach the pinnacle of success in their field because they do not muster the resources, skills or knowledge needed to make things happen.
It further stated that one needs to ask, seek and knock until the right doors open and obtains all that one needs to get in the next level.
Furthermore, chapter six (6) talks about “Wrong Mental Software”. It states that what happens in our outer world is a true reflection of what happens inside. The mind is the computer processor of our lives.
Managing the mind is the foundation for managing our lives. It is however imperative that people seeking to rise to the pinnacle of success take charge of their minds and thoughts.
Also, chapter seven (7) talks about “How could I”. Avoiding or bouncing back from mistakes or poor choices. It explains that choices we make either enhance or detract from our chances of success.
It states that, we should be informed about the implications of every decision and also determines to consistently make right choices.
The book tells us that in our search for the resources that we need to attain the heights we dream about and aspire to be, we need to ask, seek and as well know at the doors till they are opened to us.
It further says tha, in order to rise to the top of ones field, she or he needs to knock on the right doors and seek attention.
Chapter eight (8) identifies over-coming stagnation and the trap of ones comfort zone. It states that complacency, wrong friends, excuses are some of the factors that keep us stagnant on our war to the top.
It says our past successes can also become reasons for staying in our comfort zones.
It further explains that whatever the obstacles may be, one can only see how small that obstacles when she or he rises above them.
Tuesday, September 1, 2009
Wednesday, April 29, 2009
Scandal
The Watergate scandal was a political scandal during the presidency of Richard Nixon that resulted in the indictment and conviction of several of Nixon's closest advisors, and ultimately his resignation on August 9, 1974.
The scandal began with the arrest of five men for breaking and entering into the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate Office complex in Washington, D.C. on June 17, 1972. Investigations conducted by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and later by the Senate Watergate Committee, House Judiciary Committee and the press revealed that this burglary was one of many illegal activities authorized and carried out by Nixon's staff. They also revealed the immense scope of crimes and abuses, which included campaign fraud, political espionage and sabotage, illegal break-ins, improper tax audits, illegal wiretapping on a massive scale, and a secret slush fund laundered in Mexico to pay those who conducted these operations.[1] This secret fund was also used as hush money to buy the silence of the seven men who were indicted for the June 17 break-in.[2][3]
Nixon and his staff conspired to cover up the break-in as early as six days after it occurred.[4] After two years of mounting evidence against the President and his staff, which included former staff members testifying against them in a Senate investigation, it was revealed that Nixon had a tape recording system in his offices and that he had recorded many conversations.[5][6] Recordings from these tapes revealed that he had obstructed justice and attempted to cover up the break-in.[4][7] This recorded conversation later became known as the Smoking Gun. After a series of court battles, the United States Supreme Court unanimously ruled in United States v. Nixon that the President had to hand over the tapes; he ultimately complied.
With certainty of an impeachment in the House of Representatives and the strong possibility of a conviction in the Senate, Nixon resigned ten days later, becoming the only US President to have resigned from office.[8][9] His successor, Gerald Ford, would issue a controversial pardon for any federal crimes Nixon may have committed while in office.
Watergate: The Scandal That Brought Down Richard Nixon
Thumbs up from the 37th President "Watergate" is a general term used to describe a complex web of political scandals between 1972 and 1974. The word specifically refers to the Watergate Hotel in Washington D.C.
The Burglary
Watergate has entered the political lexicon as a term synonymous with corruption and scandal, yet the Watergate Hotel is one of Washington's plushest hotels. Even today, it is home to former Senator Bob Dole and was once the place where Monica Lewinsky laid low. It was here that the Watergate Burglars broke into the Democratic Party's National Committee offices on June 17, 1972. If it had not been for the alert actions of Frank Wills, a security guard, the scandal may never have erupted. MORE
Chronology of Events
The story of Watergate has an intriguing historical and political background, arising out of political events of the 1960s such as Vietnam, and the publication of the Pentagon Papers in 1970. But the chronology of the scandal really begins during 1972, when the burglars were arrested. By 1973, Nixon had been re-elected, but the storm clouds were building. By early 1974, the nation was consumed by Watergate. MORE
Richard Milhous Nixon
Richard Milhous Nixon is one of the most fascinating political figures of the 20th Century. His long political career began in 1947 when he was elected to the House of Representatives. By 1952, Nixon had been chosen as Dwight Eisenhower's vice-presidential running mate, but not before he was embroiled in a scandal that led to the infamous Checkers Speech.
Nixon served as Vice-President for eight years, then lost the 1960 election to John F. Kennedy. He recovered from political defeat to be chosen again as the Republican Party's candidate at the 1968 election. Following a year of turmoil, including two political assassinations, Nixon became the nation's 37th President on January 20, 1969. Later that year, he delivered his 'Silent Majority' speech on the Vietnam War, articulating his belief that the bulk of the American people supported his policies and programs. He was vindicated by winning a landslide re-election. He was sworn in for a second term in Janury 1973. MORE
Nixon Reacts To Watergate
Nixon made three major speeches on the Watergate scandal during 1973 and 1974. The first was on April 30, 1973, in which he announced the departure of Dean, Haldeman and Ehrlichman. A more defiant speech was delivered on August 15, 1973. Perhaps the politically most difficult speech was the one on April 29, 1974, in which Nixon released partial transcripts of the White House tapes. MORE
The Investigations
Initial investigations of Watergate were heavily influenced by the media, particularly the work of two reporters from the Washington Post, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, along with their mysterious informant, Deep Throat.
Political investigations began in February 1973 when the Senate established a Committee to investigate the Watergate scandal. The public hearings of the Committee were sensational, including the evidence of John Dean, Nixon's former White House Counsel. The Committee also uncovered the existence of the secret White House tape recordings, sparking a major political and legal battle between the Congress and the President.
In 1974, the House of Representatives authorised the Judiciary Committee to consider impeachment proceedings against Nixon. The work of this Committee was again the spotlight a quarter of a century later when Bill Clinton was impeached. MORE
The Final Days
Nixon's last days in office came in late July and early August, 1974. The House Judiciary Committee voted to accept three of four proposed Articles of Impeachment, with some Republicans voting with Democrats to recommend impeachment of the President.
The final blow came with the decision by the Supreme Court to order Nixon to release more White House tapes. One of these became known as the 'smoking gun' tape when it revealed that Nixon had participated in the Watergate cover-up as far back as June 23, 1972. Around the country, there were calls for Nixon to resign.
At 9pm on the evening of August 8, 1974, Nixon delivered a nationally televised resignation speech. The next morning, he made his final remarks to the White House staff before sending his resignation letter to the Secretary of State, Dr. Henry Kissinger. MORE
Gerald Ford - The Man Who Pardoned Nixon
Gerald Ford became the 38th President of the United States when Nixon resigned on August 9, 1974. He was the first Vice-President and the first President to ascend to both positions without being elected. Regarded on all sides of politics as a decent man, Ford will be remembered for his controversial pardon of Richard Nixon. MORE
The Aftermath Of Watergate
Watergate had profound consequences in the United States. There was a long list of convictions and other casualties. For example, the aftermath of Watergate ushered in changes in campaign finance reform and a more aggressive attitude by the media. By the time the 25th anniversary of Watergate occurred in 1997, a vast library of books and films existed. Watergate's influence was felt in the Clinton Impeachment of 1998-99.
Nixon died in 1994 and was eulogised by the political establishment, although he was still a figure of controversy.
The investigations into Watergate that led to the resignation of Richard Nixon are a case study in the operation of the American Constitution and political values. MORE
In June of 1972 in Washington, D.C. an event occurred, a burglary, which ended up holding worldwide importance. It was on this date that five people broke into the Democratic National Headquarters to bug their telephones. These men were members of the ‘Plumbers’, a group of anti-Castro Cuban refugees, former FBI agents and former CIA agents among others. The group was strongly Republican. The place they broke into was The Watergate Hotel.
Many people remember the name Watergate as a blanket term used to describe the fall of President Richard Nixon. But do you remember the specifics of those events? It has taken years filled with books and interviews to begin to understand what the scandal and its complications truly were. This article will attempt to be a ‘primer’, a starting point from which you may go and research further this event.
In the early 1970’s America was still reeling from its turbulent time in the 1960’s. One of the issues that was greatly contested in the 60’s, Vietnam, had carried it’s self over into the new decade. By this time though, the opinions and thoughts of many concerning the war had started to change. Daniel Ellsberg was one of these individuals. A former defense department analyst, his thoughts on the war had turned and in 1971 he turned over a secret Pentagon report concerning the history of the war to the New York Times. The Times immediately began publishing these ‘Pentagon Papers’ which greatly infuriated many of those in charge of the country, including President Nixon. When Nixon became unable to stop the publication of the papers through legal channels, he turned in another direction for help.
The Plumbers were a ‘secret’ unit created and maintained by the White House with the expressed purpose of ‘fixing leaks’ in the administration. The Plumbers were immediately charged with going after Ellsberg. The thought was that if the papers publication could not be stopped, the next step would be to discredit the man who provided those papers. This included breaking into Ellsberg’s psychiatrist’s office to dig up what they could.
They worked tirelessly at their goal and were soon rewarded with another job in the following election year: derailing the Democratic ticket. On June 17, 1972 a group of men broke into the DNC Headquarters to find what they could and to bug the offices. A sharp-eyed security officer saw the break in, called the police and the burglars were quickly taken into custody. Over the next few days and months, amazing insights into these men came out. One of the burglars used to be a GOP security aide, another was found to have a 25,000$ check that was supposed to have gone to Nixon’s re-election campaign. In fact, it turned out that all of the burglars were on the payroll of the Committee to Re-Elect the President (C.R.E.E.P.).
As this unfolded, Nixon went on to win the presidential election in one of the biggest landslides in history. It would be Nixon’s last big win. Following his re-election the repercussions from the Watergate break-in grew larger. Several of the burglars went to jail. As the connection between these burglars and the Republican White House grew stronger, several White House staffers were forced to resign and White House Chief Counsel John Dean resigned.
Rumors swirled about the break-in, the similar events that many believed had also occurred and Nixon’s involvement in it all. In May of 1973 the Senate opened up hearings on the Watergate break-in and under intense pressure, Nixon had Archibald Cox appointed as Special Prosecutor to the case.
The Senate investigation went forward and immediately became damaging to the President in June as John Dean became the first (former) White House staff member to admit that he had discussions with the President concerning Watergate and how to cover it up. In July things got worse as it was revealed in the Senate hearings that Nixon had a sophisticated taping system set up in the Oval Office with which he had taped all of his conversations. The Senate Committee and Special Prosecutor Cox immediately requested that Nixon hand those tapes over. Citing everything from National Security to Executive Privilege, Nixon refuses to hand over the tapes.
The pressure on Nixon continued to grow strong, so much so that on October 20, 1973 he was moved to commit the ‘Saturday Night Massacre’. Unable to shake Cox’s pressure, Nixon contacted Attorney General Elliott Richardson and ordered him to fire Cox. Richardson refused and was himself immediately fired. Nixon then turned to the Assistant Attorney General to fire Cox. He too refused and was fired. Nixon finally found someone who would fire Cox but the resulting backlash forced Nixon to have a new Special Prosecutor appointed. Leon Jaworski was given that task and immediately began pressing Nixon to hand over the tapes.
Throughout the rest of 1973 the country stood by breathlessly as Nixon, the Senate and the prosecutors went round and round. First Nixon said that one of the key tapes which the prosecutors wanted had an 18 1⁄2 minute gap on it, then Nixon tried to send written (and heavily edited) transcripts of many of the taped conversations in lieu of the actual tapes. The pressure continued to be placed on Nixon though to hand over the tapes.
In July of 1974 Jaworski had no other choice but to name Nixon as an un-indicted co-conspirator in the obstruction of justice over the Watergate matter. Nixon continued to claim Executive Privilege in his refusals to hand the materials over. The matter was taken up by the Supreme Court who unanimously rejected Nixon’s argument and ordered that he turn the tapes over. When he refused, the House of Representatives, three days later, voted to impeach the President.
Nixon now realized that he was into a corner from which there was only one way out and so it was that on August 8, 1974 Richard M. Nixon became the first United States President to resign. Gerald Ford, who had become Vice President upon the resignation of Nixon’s Original VP Spiro T. Agnew, assumed the highest office of the land. Days after becoming President, Ford pardoned Nixon completely. Nixon was the only ‘Watergate conspirator’ who spent no time in jail.
The lessons learned by these events are enormous. The story of Watergate is a complex and deep one full of intrigue and back room deals, public politics and personal motivations. It is a deeply American event that touched the world.
Richard Milhous Nixon is one of the most fascinating political figures of the 20th Century. Click here to read a biography from the Internet Public Library.
Nixon's political career began in 1947 when he was elected to the House of Representatives, after campaigning strongly as an anti-communist.
By 1952, he had moved to the Senate and was chosen by Dwight Eisenhower to be his running mate in the presidential election. Nixon was embroiled in a scandal and delivered a famous television address that came to be known as the Checkers Speech.
Nixon served as Vice-President for eight years under Eisenhower. At one stage, after Eisenhower had a stroke, Nixon assumed a more active role. Nixon was never close to Eisenhower. Once, Eisenhower was once asked if he could name a major idea of Nixon's that what he had adopted as President. Click here for Eisenhower's response.
Nixon secured the Republican Party nomination and was narrowly defeated by John F. Kennedy in 1960.
In 1962, he ran unsuccessfully for Governor of California and stated famously that "you won't have Nixon to kick around anymore."
By 1968 he was on his way back, winning the Republican Party nomination, defeating Democrat Hubert Humphrey and becoming the 37th President on January 20, 1969. He was seen as having recovered from defeat, a quality that became association with Nixon. Click here to Hubert Humphrey on the 'new Nixon'.
Later in 1969, he was to deliver his famous Silent Majority speech in which he set out his attitude to America's future.
Nixon was re-elected in a landslide in 1972, defeating Senator George McGovern, and was sworn in for a second term on January 20, 1973. A few days later, he announced an agreement to end the Vietnam War.
However, by the beginning of 1973, the Watergate scandal was unfolding and the next eighteen months were dominated by damaging revelations and a legal fight between the Executive arm of government versus the Congress and the Supreme Court.
Nixon was facing impeachment by the House of Representatives when he resigned in August 1974, the first President ever to do so.
Following his resignation, Nixon devoted himself to rehabilitating his public reputation. He wrote a number of books and travelled widely.
Nixon died in 1994. His funeral was held on April 27 at The Richard Nixon Library and Birthplace, Yorba Linda, California. Eulogies were delivered by Dr. Billy Graham, the evangelist, Dr. Henry Kissinger, the former Secretary of State, and Pete Wilson, the then Governor of California. President Bill Clinton also spoke. He was flanked by all the living former Presidents, except Reagan. Perhaps the most moving tribute was paid by the man who was Chairman of the Republican Party during Nixon's term, Senator Bob Dole.
He served as vice president under Republican President Dwight D. Eisenhower from 1953-61. Nixon ran unsuccessfully for the presidency in 1960, losing by a very close margin to John F. Kennedy.
In 1962, Nixon ran unsuccessfully for Governor of California. This second loss led Nixon to bitterly announce he was leaving politics, telling reporters "...you won't have Nixon to kick around anymore." However, he re-emerged as a presidential candidate in 1968 and ran a successful campaign against Democrat Hubert Humphrey, squeaking out a victory in one of the closest elections in U.S. history.
In 1972, Nixon ran for re-election against Democrat George McGovern and swept to victory in a landslide with 60 percent of the popular vote, winning in every state except Massachusetts.
Events Leading to Impeachment:
A break-in occurred on the night of June 17, 1972, as five burglars entered the Democratic National Committee offices inside the Watergate office complex in Washington. Discovered by 24-year-old night watchman Frank Wills, they were arrested at the scene by police at 2:30 a.m.
Investigations soon revealed the Watergate burglars were employed by the Committee to Re-elect President Nixon. However, a White House spokesman dismissed the incident as a "third-rate burglary attempt."
In August of 1972, President Nixon told reporters, "no one in the White House staff, no one in this administration, presently employed, was involved in this very bizarre incident."
The arrest of the Watergate burglars marked the beginning of a long chain of events in which President Nixon and his top aides became deeply involved in an extensive coverup of the break-in and other White House sanctioned illegal activities.
Those activities had started in 1970 after The New York Times revealed a secret bombing campaign against neutral Cambodia in Southeast Asia was being conducted as part of the American war effort in Vietnam. Following the revelations, Nixon ordered wiretaps of reporters and government employees to discover the source of the news leaks.
In 1971, the Pentagon Papers were published in The New York Times, detailing the U.S. Defense Department's secret history of the Vietnam War. A "Plumbers" unit was then established by Nixon aides in the White House with the sole purpose of gathering political intelligence on perceived enemies and preventing further news leaks. A team of burglars from the "Plumbers" then broke into a psychiatrist's office looking for damaging information on Daniel Ellsberg, the former defense analyst who had leaked the Pentagon Papers to the press.
In 1972, as part of Nixon's re-election effort, a massive campaign of political spying and 'dirty tricks' was initiated against Democrats, leading to the Watergate break-in to plant bugs (tiny audio transmitters) inside the offices of the Democratic National Committee.
Two young reporters from the Washington Post, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, then began a dogged pursuit of the facts surrounding the break-in. Among the many items revealed by them -- one of the Watergate burglars, retired CIA employee James W. McCord, was actually the security coordinator for Nixon's re-election committee - a $25,000 cashier's check for Nixon's re-election campaign had been diverted to the bank account of one of the burglars - Attorney General John Mitchell had controlled a secret fund which financed political spying and dirty tricks targeting Democratic presidential candidates.
Perhaps the most notorious dirty trick was a letter planted in a New Hampshire newspaper alleging that leading Democratic presidential candidate, Senator Edmund Muskie of Maine, had referred to Americans of French-Canadian descent as "Canucks."
On a snowy New Hampshire day, standing outside the offices of the newspaper, Musky gave a rambling, tearful denial. His emotional conduct, replayed on television, caused him to drop in the New Hampshire polls shortly before the presidential primary. George McGovern, considered a weaker candidate by Nixon political strategists, eventually won the 1972 Democratic nomination and lost the general election to Nixon in a landslide.
In February of 1973, the U.S. Senate established a Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, chaired by Sen. Sam Ervin, to investigate all of the events surrounding Watergate and other allegations of political spying and sabotage conducted on behalf of Nixon's re-election.
March and April of 1973 saw the start of the unraveling of the coverup. On March 23, one of the five burglars convicted after the Watergate break-in, James W. McCord, informed U.S. District Judge John J. Sirica that he was being pressured to remain silent. On April 20, acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray resigned after admitting he had destroyed Watergate evidence under pressure from Nixon aides. Ten days later, four of Nixon's top officials resigned: Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman; Domestic Affairs Assistant John Ehrlichman; Attorney General Richard Kleindienst; and Presidential Counsel John Dean.
The Senate Select Committee began televised hearings on May 17. A month later, former Presidential Counsel John Dean testified there was an ongoing White House coverup and that Nixon had been personally involved in the payment of hush money to the five burglars and two other operatives involved in planning the Watergate break-in. Three weeks later, another Nixon aide revealed the President had ordered hidden microphones installed in the Oval Office in the spring of 1971 and had recorded most conversations since then on audio tape.
The tapes then became the focus of an intensive year-long legal battle between all three branches of the U.S. government. In October of 1973, Watergate Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox, who had been appointed by the Nixon administration, publicly vowed to obtain the tapes despite Nixon's strong objections.
This resulted in the "Saturday Night Massacre" on October 20 in which Nixon attempted to fire Cox, but was temporarily thwarted as Attorney General Elliot Richardson and Deputy Attorney General William Ruckelshaus refused Nixon's order and instead resigned. Solicitor General Robert Bork agreed to carry out the order and fired Cox.
The minute-by-minute events of the "Saturday Night Massacre" were covered live by stunned reporters on network television starting about 8:30 p.m. and sent a political shockwave throughout America that led to immediate calls for impeachment.
"Whether ours shall continue to be a government of laws and not of men is now for Congress and ultimately the American people," Archibald Cox stated after his firing. Ten days later, impeachment proceedings in the House of Representatives began as the House Judiciary Committee, chaired by Rep. Peter Rodino, started its preliminary investigation.
Nixon responded to public outrage by initially agreeing to turn over some of the tapes. However, the White House then revealed that two of the tapes no longer existed and later revealed there was an 18 minute blank gap on a crucial recording of the President and H.R. Haldeman taped three days after the Watergate break-in.
Nixon's new Chief of Staff Alexander M. Haig Jr. suggested the possibility that "some sinister force" had erased portions of the subpoenaed tape. President Nixon's personal secretary Rose Mary Woods was eventually blamed as having caused the erasure supposedly after she had been asked to prepare a summary of taped conversations for the President.
In November of 1973, amid all of the controversy, Nixon made a scheduled appearance before 400 Associated Press managing editors in Florida. During a feisty question and answer period he maintained his innocence, stating, "... in all of my years in public life I have never obstructed justice...People have got to know whether or not their President is a crook. Well, I'm not a crook." (Real Audio :24)
To avoid handing over all of the 42 subpoenaed tapes to the House Judiciary Committee, Nixon instead released 1,254 pages of edited transcripts of 20 tapes in the spring of 1974. But the transcripts caused a national sensation as Americans glimpsed behind closed doors for the first time at a cynical Nixon who frequently used obscene language in the Oval Office, in contrast to his carefully tailored public image. The transcripts also revealed Nixon frequently discussing Watergate including the raising of "hush money" to keep the burglars quiet.
"We could get that. On the money, if you need the money you could get that. You could get a million dollars. You could get it in cash. I know where it could be gotten. It is not easy, but it could be done. But the question is, Who would handle it? Any ideas on that?" -- Nixon to John Dean, March 21, 1973.
The new Special Prosecutor, Leon Jaworski, who had been appointed by the Justice Department, pursued Nixon's tapes all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. On July 24, 1974, the Court unanimously ruled that Nixon had to surrender the tapes.
On Saturday, July 27, the House Judiciary Committee approved its first article of impeachment charging President Nixon with obstruction of justice. Six of the Committee's 17 Republicans joined all 21 Democrats in voting for the article. The following Monday the Committee approved its second article charging Nixon with abuse of power. The next day, the third and final article, contempt of Congress, was approved.
Articles of Impeachment:
RESOLVED, That Richard M. Nixon, President of the United States, is impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and that the following articles of impeachment to be exhibited to the Senate:
ARTICLES OF IMPEACHMENT EXHIBITED BY THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN THE NAME OF ITSELF AND OF ALL OF THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, AGAINST RICHARD M. NIXON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN MAINTENANCE AND SUPPORT OF ITS IMPEACHMENT AGAINST HIM FOR HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANOURS.
Article 1: Obstruction of Justice.
In his conduct of the office of the President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, in violation of his constitutional oath faithfully to execute the office of President of the United States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in violation of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has prevented, obstructed, and impeded the administration of justice, in that: On June 17, 1972, and prior thereto, agents of the Committee for the Re-Election of the President committed unlawful entry of the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee in Washington, District of Columbia, for the purpose of securing political intelligence. Subsequent thereto, Richard M. Nixon, using the powers of his high office, engaged personally and through his subordinates and agents in a course of conduct or plan designed to delay, impede and obstruct investigations of such unlawful entry; to cover up, conceal and protect those responsible and to conceal the existence and scope of other unlawful covert activities. The means used to implement this course of conduct or plan have included one or more of the following:
(1) Making or causing to be made false or misleading statements to lawfully authorized investigative officers and employes of the United States.
(2) Withholding relevant and material evidence or information from lawfully authorized investigative officers and employes of the United States.
(3) Approving, condoning, acquiescing in, and counseling witnesses with respect to the giving of false or misleading statements to lawfully authorized investigative officers and employes of the United States and false or misleading testimony in duly instituted judicial and congressional proceedings.
(4) Interfering or endeavoring to interfere with the conduct of investigations by the Department of Justice of the United States, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the office of Watergate Special Prosecution Force and congressional committees.
(5) Approving, condoning, and acquiescing in, the surreptitious payments of substantial sums of money for the purpose of obtaining the silence or influencing the testimony of witnesses, potential witnesses or individuals who participated in such unlawful entry and other illegal activities.
(6) Endeavoring to misuse the Central Intelligence Agency, an agency of the United States.
(7) Disseminating information received from officers of the Department of Justice of the United States to subjects of investigations conducted by lawfully authorized investigative officers and employes of the United States for the purpose of aiding and assisting such subjects in their attempts to avoid criminal liability.
(8) Making false or misleading public statements for the purpose of deceiving the people of the United States into believing that a thorough and complete investigation has been conducted with respect to allegation of misconduct on the part of personnel of the Executive Branch of the United States and personnel of the Committee for the Re-Election of the President, and that there was no involvement of such personnel in such misconduct; or
(9) Endeavoring to cause prospective defendants, and individuals duly tried and convicted, to expect favored treatment and consideration in return for their silence or false testimony, or rewarding individuals for their silence or false testimony.
In all of this, Richard M. Nixon has acted in a manner contrary to his trust as President and subversive of constitutional government, to the great prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury of the people of the United States.
Wherefore Richard M. Nixon, by such conduct, warrants impeachment and trial, and removal from office.
(Approved by a vote of 27-11 by the House Judiciary Committee on Saturday, July 27, 1974.)
Article 2: Abuse of Power.
Using the powers of the office of President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, in violation of his constitutional oath faithfully to execute the office of President of the United States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in disregard of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has repeatedly engaged in conduct violating the constitutional rights of citizens, imparting the due and proper administration of justice and the conduct of lawful inquiries, or contravening the laws governing agencies of the executive branch and the purposes of these agencies.
This conduct has included one or more of the following:
(1) He has, acting personally and through his subordinated and agents, endeavored to obtain from the Internal Revenue Service, in violation of the constitutional rights of citizens, confidential information contained in income tax returns for purposes not authorized by law, and to cause, in violation of the constitutional rights of citizens, income tax audits or other income tax investigation to be initiated or conducted in a discriminatory manner.
(2) He misused the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Secret Service, and other executive personnel, in violation or disregard of the constitutional rights of citizens, by directing or authorizing such agencies or personnel to conduct or continue electronic surveillance or other investigations for purposes unrelated to national security, the enforcement of laws, or any other lawful function of his office; he did direct, authorize, or permit the use of information obtained thereby for purposes unrelated to national security, the enforcement of laws, or any other lawful function of his office; and he did direct the concealment of certain records made by the Federal Bureau of Investigation of electronic surveillance.
(3) He has, acting personally and through his subordinates and agents, in violation or disregard of the constitutional rights of citizens, authorized and permitted to be maintained a secret investigative unit within the office of the President, financed in part with money derived from campaign contributions to him, which unlawfully utilized the resources of the Central Intelligence Agency, engaged in covert and unlawful activities, and attempted to prejudice the constitutional right of an accused to a fair trial.
(4) He has failed to take care that the laws were faithfully executed by failing to act when he knew or had reason to know that his close subordinates endeavored to impede and frustrate lawful inquiries by duly constituted executive; judicial and legislative entities concerning the unlawful entry into the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee, and the cover-up thereof, and concerning other unlawful activities including those relating to the confirmation of Richard Kleindienst as attorney general of the United States, the electronic surveillance of private citizens, the break-in into the office of Dr. Lewis Fielding, and the campaign financing practices of the Committee to Re-elect the President.
(5) In disregard of the rule of law: he knowingly misused the executive power by interfering with agencies of the executive branch: including the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Criminal Division and the Office of Watergate Special Prosecution Force of the Department of Justice, in violation of his duty to take care that the laws by faithfully executed.
In all of this, Richard M. Nixon has acted in a manner contrary to his trust as President and subversive of constitutional government, to the great prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury of the people of the United States.
Wherefore Richard M. Nixon, by such conduct, warrants impeachment and trial, and removal from office.
(Approved 28-10 by the House Judiciary Committee on Monday, July 29, 1974.)
Article 3: Contempt of Congress.
In his conduct of the office of President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, contrary to his oath faithfully to execute the office of the President of the United States, and to the best of his ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in violation of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, had failed without lawful cause or excuse, to produce papers and things as directed by duly authorized subpoenas issued by the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives, on April 11, 1974, May 15, 1974, May 30, 1974, and June 24, 1974, and willfully disobeyed such subpoenas. The subpoenaed papers and things were deemed necessary by the Committee in order to resolve by direct evidence fundamental, factual questions relating to Presidential direction, knowledge or approval of actions demonstrated by other evidence to be substantial grounds for impeachment of the President. In refusing to produce these papers and things, Richard M. Nixon, substituting his judgement as to what materials were necessary for the inquiry, interposed the powers of the Presidency against the lawful subpoenas of the House of Representatives, thereby assuming to himself functions and judgments necessary to the exercise of the sole power of impeachment vested by Constitution in the House of Representatives.
In all this, Richard M. Nixon has acted in a manner contrary to his trust as President and subversive of constitutional government, to the great prejudice of the cause of law and justice, and to the manifest injury of the people of the United States.
Wherefore, Richard M. Nixon, by such conduct, warrants impeachment and trial and removal from office.
(Approved 21-17 by the House Judiciary Committee on Tuesday, July 30, 1974.)
Consequences:
On August 5, 1974, the long sought after audio tapes provided the "smoking gun" which revealed President Nixon had been deeply involved in the coverup and had ordered Haldeman to halt the FBI investigation just six days after the Watergate break-in. (Real Audio :06 "...call the FBI and say that we wish, for the country, don't go any further into this case, period..." -- Nixon to Haldeman, June 23, 1972.)
That revelation resulted in a complete collapse of support for Nixon in Congress. On Friday, August 9, Nixon resigned the presidency and avoided the likely prospect of losing the impeachment vote in the full House and a subsequent trial in the Senate. He thus became the only U.S. President ever to resign. Vice President Gerald R. Ford succeeded him and a month later granted Nixon a full pardon for any crimes he might have committed while President.
Richard Nixon had served a total of 2,026 days as the 37th President of the United States. He left office with 2 1/2 years of his second term remaining. A total of 25 officials from his administration, including four cabinet members, were eventually convicted and imprisoned for various crimes.
"...I think that the Watergate tragedy is the greatest tragedy this country has ever suffered. I used to think that the Civil War was our country's greatest tragedy, but I do remember that there were some redeeming features in the Civil War in that there was some spirit of sacrifice and heroism displayed on both sides. I see no redeeming features in Watergate." -- Senator Sam Ervin.
The scandal began with the arrest of five men for breaking and entering into the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate Office complex in Washington, D.C. on June 17, 1972. Investigations conducted by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and later by the Senate Watergate Committee, House Judiciary Committee and the press revealed that this burglary was one of many illegal activities authorized and carried out by Nixon's staff. They also revealed the immense scope of crimes and abuses, which included campaign fraud, political espionage and sabotage, illegal break-ins, improper tax audits, illegal wiretapping on a massive scale, and a secret slush fund laundered in Mexico to pay those who conducted these operations.[1] This secret fund was also used as hush money to buy the silence of the seven men who were indicted for the June 17 break-in.[2][3]
Nixon and his staff conspired to cover up the break-in as early as six days after it occurred.[4] After two years of mounting evidence against the President and his staff, which included former staff members testifying against them in a Senate investigation, it was revealed that Nixon had a tape recording system in his offices and that he had recorded many conversations.[5][6] Recordings from these tapes revealed that he had obstructed justice and attempted to cover up the break-in.[4][7] This recorded conversation later became known as the Smoking Gun. After a series of court battles, the United States Supreme Court unanimously ruled in United States v. Nixon that the President had to hand over the tapes; he ultimately complied.
With certainty of an impeachment in the House of Representatives and the strong possibility of a conviction in the Senate, Nixon resigned ten days later, becoming the only US President to have resigned from office.[8][9] His successor, Gerald Ford, would issue a controversial pardon for any federal crimes Nixon may have committed while in office.
Watergate: The Scandal That Brought Down Richard Nixon
Thumbs up from the 37th President "Watergate" is a general term used to describe a complex web of political scandals between 1972 and 1974. The word specifically refers to the Watergate Hotel in Washington D.C.
The Burglary
Watergate has entered the political lexicon as a term synonymous with corruption and scandal, yet the Watergate Hotel is one of Washington's plushest hotels. Even today, it is home to former Senator Bob Dole and was once the place where Monica Lewinsky laid low. It was here that the Watergate Burglars broke into the Democratic Party's National Committee offices on June 17, 1972. If it had not been for the alert actions of Frank Wills, a security guard, the scandal may never have erupted. MORE
Chronology of Events
The story of Watergate has an intriguing historical and political background, arising out of political events of the 1960s such as Vietnam, and the publication of the Pentagon Papers in 1970. But the chronology of the scandal really begins during 1972, when the burglars were arrested. By 1973, Nixon had been re-elected, but the storm clouds were building. By early 1974, the nation was consumed by Watergate. MORE
Richard Milhous Nixon
Richard Milhous Nixon is one of the most fascinating political figures of the 20th Century. His long political career began in 1947 when he was elected to the House of Representatives. By 1952, Nixon had been chosen as Dwight Eisenhower's vice-presidential running mate, but not before he was embroiled in a scandal that led to the infamous Checkers Speech.
Nixon served as Vice-President for eight years, then lost the 1960 election to John F. Kennedy. He recovered from political defeat to be chosen again as the Republican Party's candidate at the 1968 election. Following a year of turmoil, including two political assassinations, Nixon became the nation's 37th President on January 20, 1969. Later that year, he delivered his 'Silent Majority' speech on the Vietnam War, articulating his belief that the bulk of the American people supported his policies and programs. He was vindicated by winning a landslide re-election. He was sworn in for a second term in Janury 1973. MORE
Nixon Reacts To Watergate
Nixon made three major speeches on the Watergate scandal during 1973 and 1974. The first was on April 30, 1973, in which he announced the departure of Dean, Haldeman and Ehrlichman. A more defiant speech was delivered on August 15, 1973. Perhaps the politically most difficult speech was the one on April 29, 1974, in which Nixon released partial transcripts of the White House tapes. MORE
The Investigations
Initial investigations of Watergate were heavily influenced by the media, particularly the work of two reporters from the Washington Post, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, along with their mysterious informant, Deep Throat.
Political investigations began in February 1973 when the Senate established a Committee to investigate the Watergate scandal. The public hearings of the Committee were sensational, including the evidence of John Dean, Nixon's former White House Counsel. The Committee also uncovered the existence of the secret White House tape recordings, sparking a major political and legal battle between the Congress and the President.
In 1974, the House of Representatives authorised the Judiciary Committee to consider impeachment proceedings against Nixon. The work of this Committee was again the spotlight a quarter of a century later when Bill Clinton was impeached. MORE
The Final Days
Nixon's last days in office came in late July and early August, 1974. The House Judiciary Committee voted to accept three of four proposed Articles of Impeachment, with some Republicans voting with Democrats to recommend impeachment of the President.
The final blow came with the decision by the Supreme Court to order Nixon to release more White House tapes. One of these became known as the 'smoking gun' tape when it revealed that Nixon had participated in the Watergate cover-up as far back as June 23, 1972. Around the country, there were calls for Nixon to resign.
At 9pm on the evening of August 8, 1974, Nixon delivered a nationally televised resignation speech. The next morning, he made his final remarks to the White House staff before sending his resignation letter to the Secretary of State, Dr. Henry Kissinger. MORE
Gerald Ford - The Man Who Pardoned Nixon
Gerald Ford became the 38th President of the United States when Nixon resigned on August 9, 1974. He was the first Vice-President and the first President to ascend to both positions without being elected. Regarded on all sides of politics as a decent man, Ford will be remembered for his controversial pardon of Richard Nixon. MORE
The Aftermath Of Watergate
Watergate had profound consequences in the United States. There was a long list of convictions and other casualties. For example, the aftermath of Watergate ushered in changes in campaign finance reform and a more aggressive attitude by the media. By the time the 25th anniversary of Watergate occurred in 1997, a vast library of books and films existed. Watergate's influence was felt in the Clinton Impeachment of 1998-99.
Nixon died in 1994 and was eulogised by the political establishment, although he was still a figure of controversy.
The investigations into Watergate that led to the resignation of Richard Nixon are a case study in the operation of the American Constitution and political values. MORE
In June of 1972 in Washington, D.C. an event occurred, a burglary, which ended up holding worldwide importance. It was on this date that five people broke into the Democratic National Headquarters to bug their telephones. These men were members of the ‘Plumbers’, a group of anti-Castro Cuban refugees, former FBI agents and former CIA agents among others. The group was strongly Republican. The place they broke into was The Watergate Hotel.
Many people remember the name Watergate as a blanket term used to describe the fall of President Richard Nixon. But do you remember the specifics of those events? It has taken years filled with books and interviews to begin to understand what the scandal and its complications truly were. This article will attempt to be a ‘primer’, a starting point from which you may go and research further this event.
In the early 1970’s America was still reeling from its turbulent time in the 1960’s. One of the issues that was greatly contested in the 60’s, Vietnam, had carried it’s self over into the new decade. By this time though, the opinions and thoughts of many concerning the war had started to change. Daniel Ellsberg was one of these individuals. A former defense department analyst, his thoughts on the war had turned and in 1971 he turned over a secret Pentagon report concerning the history of the war to the New York Times. The Times immediately began publishing these ‘Pentagon Papers’ which greatly infuriated many of those in charge of the country, including President Nixon. When Nixon became unable to stop the publication of the papers through legal channels, he turned in another direction for help.
The Plumbers were a ‘secret’ unit created and maintained by the White House with the expressed purpose of ‘fixing leaks’ in the administration. The Plumbers were immediately charged with going after Ellsberg. The thought was that if the papers publication could not be stopped, the next step would be to discredit the man who provided those papers. This included breaking into Ellsberg’s psychiatrist’s office to dig up what they could.
They worked tirelessly at their goal and were soon rewarded with another job in the following election year: derailing the Democratic ticket. On June 17, 1972 a group of men broke into the DNC Headquarters to find what they could and to bug the offices. A sharp-eyed security officer saw the break in, called the police and the burglars were quickly taken into custody. Over the next few days and months, amazing insights into these men came out. One of the burglars used to be a GOP security aide, another was found to have a 25,000$ check that was supposed to have gone to Nixon’s re-election campaign. In fact, it turned out that all of the burglars were on the payroll of the Committee to Re-Elect the President (C.R.E.E.P.).
As this unfolded, Nixon went on to win the presidential election in one of the biggest landslides in history. It would be Nixon’s last big win. Following his re-election the repercussions from the Watergate break-in grew larger. Several of the burglars went to jail. As the connection between these burglars and the Republican White House grew stronger, several White House staffers were forced to resign and White House Chief Counsel John Dean resigned.
Rumors swirled about the break-in, the similar events that many believed had also occurred and Nixon’s involvement in it all. In May of 1973 the Senate opened up hearings on the Watergate break-in and under intense pressure, Nixon had Archibald Cox appointed as Special Prosecutor to the case.
The Senate investigation went forward and immediately became damaging to the President in June as John Dean became the first (former) White House staff member to admit that he had discussions with the President concerning Watergate and how to cover it up. In July things got worse as it was revealed in the Senate hearings that Nixon had a sophisticated taping system set up in the Oval Office with which he had taped all of his conversations. The Senate Committee and Special Prosecutor Cox immediately requested that Nixon hand those tapes over. Citing everything from National Security to Executive Privilege, Nixon refuses to hand over the tapes.
The pressure on Nixon continued to grow strong, so much so that on October 20, 1973 he was moved to commit the ‘Saturday Night Massacre’. Unable to shake Cox’s pressure, Nixon contacted Attorney General Elliott Richardson and ordered him to fire Cox. Richardson refused and was himself immediately fired. Nixon then turned to the Assistant Attorney General to fire Cox. He too refused and was fired. Nixon finally found someone who would fire Cox but the resulting backlash forced Nixon to have a new Special Prosecutor appointed. Leon Jaworski was given that task and immediately began pressing Nixon to hand over the tapes.
Throughout the rest of 1973 the country stood by breathlessly as Nixon, the Senate and the prosecutors went round and round. First Nixon said that one of the key tapes which the prosecutors wanted had an 18 1⁄2 minute gap on it, then Nixon tried to send written (and heavily edited) transcripts of many of the taped conversations in lieu of the actual tapes. The pressure continued to be placed on Nixon though to hand over the tapes.
In July of 1974 Jaworski had no other choice but to name Nixon as an un-indicted co-conspirator in the obstruction of justice over the Watergate matter. Nixon continued to claim Executive Privilege in his refusals to hand the materials over. The matter was taken up by the Supreme Court who unanimously rejected Nixon’s argument and ordered that he turn the tapes over. When he refused, the House of Representatives, three days later, voted to impeach the President.
Nixon now realized that he was into a corner from which there was only one way out and so it was that on August 8, 1974 Richard M. Nixon became the first United States President to resign. Gerald Ford, who had become Vice President upon the resignation of Nixon’s Original VP Spiro T. Agnew, assumed the highest office of the land. Days after becoming President, Ford pardoned Nixon completely. Nixon was the only ‘Watergate conspirator’ who spent no time in jail.
The lessons learned by these events are enormous. The story of Watergate is a complex and deep one full of intrigue and back room deals, public politics and personal motivations. It is a deeply American event that touched the world.
Richard Milhous Nixon is one of the most fascinating political figures of the 20th Century. Click here to read a biography from the Internet Public Library.
Nixon's political career began in 1947 when he was elected to the House of Representatives, after campaigning strongly as an anti-communist.
By 1952, he had moved to the Senate and was chosen by Dwight Eisenhower to be his running mate in the presidential election. Nixon was embroiled in a scandal and delivered a famous television address that came to be known as the Checkers Speech.
Nixon served as Vice-President for eight years under Eisenhower. At one stage, after Eisenhower had a stroke, Nixon assumed a more active role. Nixon was never close to Eisenhower. Once, Eisenhower was once asked if he could name a major idea of Nixon's that what he had adopted as President. Click here for Eisenhower's response.
Nixon secured the Republican Party nomination and was narrowly defeated by John F. Kennedy in 1960.
In 1962, he ran unsuccessfully for Governor of California and stated famously that "you won't have Nixon to kick around anymore."
By 1968 he was on his way back, winning the Republican Party nomination, defeating Democrat Hubert Humphrey and becoming the 37th President on January 20, 1969. He was seen as having recovered from defeat, a quality that became association with Nixon. Click here to Hubert Humphrey on the 'new Nixon'.
Later in 1969, he was to deliver his famous Silent Majority speech in which he set out his attitude to America's future.
Nixon was re-elected in a landslide in 1972, defeating Senator George McGovern, and was sworn in for a second term on January 20, 1973. A few days later, he announced an agreement to end the Vietnam War.
However, by the beginning of 1973, the Watergate scandal was unfolding and the next eighteen months were dominated by damaging revelations and a legal fight between the Executive arm of government versus the Congress and the Supreme Court.
Nixon was facing impeachment by the House of Representatives when he resigned in August 1974, the first President ever to do so.
Following his resignation, Nixon devoted himself to rehabilitating his public reputation. He wrote a number of books and travelled widely.
Nixon died in 1994. His funeral was held on April 27 at The Richard Nixon Library and Birthplace, Yorba Linda, California. Eulogies were delivered by Dr. Billy Graham, the evangelist, Dr. Henry Kissinger, the former Secretary of State, and Pete Wilson, the then Governor of California. President Bill Clinton also spoke. He was flanked by all the living former Presidents, except Reagan. Perhaps the most moving tribute was paid by the man who was Chairman of the Republican Party during Nixon's term, Senator Bob Dole.
He served as vice president under Republican President Dwight D. Eisenhower from 1953-61. Nixon ran unsuccessfully for the presidency in 1960, losing by a very close margin to John F. Kennedy.
In 1962, Nixon ran unsuccessfully for Governor of California. This second loss led Nixon to bitterly announce he was leaving politics, telling reporters "...you won't have Nixon to kick around anymore." However, he re-emerged as a presidential candidate in 1968 and ran a successful campaign against Democrat Hubert Humphrey, squeaking out a victory in one of the closest elections in U.S. history.
In 1972, Nixon ran for re-election against Democrat George McGovern and swept to victory in a landslide with 60 percent of the popular vote, winning in every state except Massachusetts.
Events Leading to Impeachment:
A break-in occurred on the night of June 17, 1972, as five burglars entered the Democratic National Committee offices inside the Watergate office complex in Washington. Discovered by 24-year-old night watchman Frank Wills, they were arrested at the scene by police at 2:30 a.m.
Investigations soon revealed the Watergate burglars were employed by the Committee to Re-elect President Nixon. However, a White House spokesman dismissed the incident as a "third-rate burglary attempt."
In August of 1972, President Nixon told reporters, "no one in the White House staff, no one in this administration, presently employed, was involved in this very bizarre incident."
The arrest of the Watergate burglars marked the beginning of a long chain of events in which President Nixon and his top aides became deeply involved in an extensive coverup of the break-in and other White House sanctioned illegal activities.
Those activities had started in 1970 after The New York Times revealed a secret bombing campaign against neutral Cambodia in Southeast Asia was being conducted as part of the American war effort in Vietnam. Following the revelations, Nixon ordered wiretaps of reporters and government employees to discover the source of the news leaks.
In 1971, the Pentagon Papers were published in The New York Times, detailing the U.S. Defense Department's secret history of the Vietnam War. A "Plumbers" unit was then established by Nixon aides in the White House with the sole purpose of gathering political intelligence on perceived enemies and preventing further news leaks. A team of burglars from the "Plumbers" then broke into a psychiatrist's office looking for damaging information on Daniel Ellsberg, the former defense analyst who had leaked the Pentagon Papers to the press.
In 1972, as part of Nixon's re-election effort, a massive campaign of political spying and 'dirty tricks' was initiated against Democrats, leading to the Watergate break-in to plant bugs (tiny audio transmitters) inside the offices of the Democratic National Committee.
Two young reporters from the Washington Post, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, then began a dogged pursuit of the facts surrounding the break-in. Among the many items revealed by them -- one of the Watergate burglars, retired CIA employee James W. McCord, was actually the security coordinator for Nixon's re-election committee - a $25,000 cashier's check for Nixon's re-election campaign had been diverted to the bank account of one of the burglars - Attorney General John Mitchell had controlled a secret fund which financed political spying and dirty tricks targeting Democratic presidential candidates.
Perhaps the most notorious dirty trick was a letter planted in a New Hampshire newspaper alleging that leading Democratic presidential candidate, Senator Edmund Muskie of Maine, had referred to Americans of French-Canadian descent as "Canucks."
On a snowy New Hampshire day, standing outside the offices of the newspaper, Musky gave a rambling, tearful denial. His emotional conduct, replayed on television, caused him to drop in the New Hampshire polls shortly before the presidential primary. George McGovern, considered a weaker candidate by Nixon political strategists, eventually won the 1972 Democratic nomination and lost the general election to Nixon in a landslide.
In February of 1973, the U.S. Senate established a Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, chaired by Sen. Sam Ervin, to investigate all of the events surrounding Watergate and other allegations of political spying and sabotage conducted on behalf of Nixon's re-election.
March and April of 1973 saw the start of the unraveling of the coverup. On March 23, one of the five burglars convicted after the Watergate break-in, James W. McCord, informed U.S. District Judge John J. Sirica that he was being pressured to remain silent. On April 20, acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray resigned after admitting he had destroyed Watergate evidence under pressure from Nixon aides. Ten days later, four of Nixon's top officials resigned: Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman; Domestic Affairs Assistant John Ehrlichman; Attorney General Richard Kleindienst; and Presidential Counsel John Dean.
The Senate Select Committee began televised hearings on May 17. A month later, former Presidential Counsel John Dean testified there was an ongoing White House coverup and that Nixon had been personally involved in the payment of hush money to the five burglars and two other operatives involved in planning the Watergate break-in. Three weeks later, another Nixon aide revealed the President had ordered hidden microphones installed in the Oval Office in the spring of 1971 and had recorded most conversations since then on audio tape.
The tapes then became the focus of an intensive year-long legal battle between all three branches of the U.S. government. In October of 1973, Watergate Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox, who had been appointed by the Nixon administration, publicly vowed to obtain the tapes despite Nixon's strong objections.
This resulted in the "Saturday Night Massacre" on October 20 in which Nixon attempted to fire Cox, but was temporarily thwarted as Attorney General Elliot Richardson and Deputy Attorney General William Ruckelshaus refused Nixon's order and instead resigned. Solicitor General Robert Bork agreed to carry out the order and fired Cox.
The minute-by-minute events of the "Saturday Night Massacre" were covered live by stunned reporters on network television starting about 8:30 p.m. and sent a political shockwave throughout America that led to immediate calls for impeachment.
"Whether ours shall continue to be a government of laws and not of men is now for Congress and ultimately the American people," Archibald Cox stated after his firing. Ten days later, impeachment proceedings in the House of Representatives began as the House Judiciary Committee, chaired by Rep. Peter Rodino, started its preliminary investigation.
Nixon responded to public outrage by initially agreeing to turn over some of the tapes. However, the White House then revealed that two of the tapes no longer existed and later revealed there was an 18 minute blank gap on a crucial recording of the President and H.R. Haldeman taped three days after the Watergate break-in.
Nixon's new Chief of Staff Alexander M. Haig Jr. suggested the possibility that "some sinister force" had erased portions of the subpoenaed tape. President Nixon's personal secretary Rose Mary Woods was eventually blamed as having caused the erasure supposedly after she had been asked to prepare a summary of taped conversations for the President.
In November of 1973, amid all of the controversy, Nixon made a scheduled appearance before 400 Associated Press managing editors in Florida. During a feisty question and answer period he maintained his innocence, stating, "... in all of my years in public life I have never obstructed justice...People have got to know whether or not their President is a crook. Well, I'm not a crook." (Real Audio :24)
To avoid handing over all of the 42 subpoenaed tapes to the House Judiciary Committee, Nixon instead released 1,254 pages of edited transcripts of 20 tapes in the spring of 1974. But the transcripts caused a national sensation as Americans glimpsed behind closed doors for the first time at a cynical Nixon who frequently used obscene language in the Oval Office, in contrast to his carefully tailored public image. The transcripts also revealed Nixon frequently discussing Watergate including the raising of "hush money" to keep the burglars quiet.
"We could get that. On the money, if you need the money you could get that. You could get a million dollars. You could get it in cash. I know where it could be gotten. It is not easy, but it could be done. But the question is, Who would handle it? Any ideas on that?" -- Nixon to John Dean, March 21, 1973.
The new Special Prosecutor, Leon Jaworski, who had been appointed by the Justice Department, pursued Nixon's tapes all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. On July 24, 1974, the Court unanimously ruled that Nixon had to surrender the tapes.
On Saturday, July 27, the House Judiciary Committee approved its first article of impeachment charging President Nixon with obstruction of justice. Six of the Committee's 17 Republicans joined all 21 Democrats in voting for the article. The following Monday the Committee approved its second article charging Nixon with abuse of power. The next day, the third and final article, contempt of Congress, was approved.
Articles of Impeachment:
RESOLVED, That Richard M. Nixon, President of the United States, is impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and that the following articles of impeachment to be exhibited to the Senate:
ARTICLES OF IMPEACHMENT EXHIBITED BY THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN THE NAME OF ITSELF AND OF ALL OF THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, AGAINST RICHARD M. NIXON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN MAINTENANCE AND SUPPORT OF ITS IMPEACHMENT AGAINST HIM FOR HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANOURS.
Article 1: Obstruction of Justice.
In his conduct of the office of the President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, in violation of his constitutional oath faithfully to execute the office of President of the United States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in violation of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has prevented, obstructed, and impeded the administration of justice, in that: On June 17, 1972, and prior thereto, agents of the Committee for the Re-Election of the President committed unlawful entry of the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee in Washington, District of Columbia, for the purpose of securing political intelligence. Subsequent thereto, Richard M. Nixon, using the powers of his high office, engaged personally and through his subordinates and agents in a course of conduct or plan designed to delay, impede and obstruct investigations of such unlawful entry; to cover up, conceal and protect those responsible and to conceal the existence and scope of other unlawful covert activities. The means used to implement this course of conduct or plan have included one or more of the following:
(1) Making or causing to be made false or misleading statements to lawfully authorized investigative officers and employes of the United States.
(2) Withholding relevant and material evidence or information from lawfully authorized investigative officers and employes of the United States.
(3) Approving, condoning, acquiescing in, and counseling witnesses with respect to the giving of false or misleading statements to lawfully authorized investigative officers and employes of the United States and false or misleading testimony in duly instituted judicial and congressional proceedings.
(4) Interfering or endeavoring to interfere with the conduct of investigations by the Department of Justice of the United States, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the office of Watergate Special Prosecution Force and congressional committees.
(5) Approving, condoning, and acquiescing in, the surreptitious payments of substantial sums of money for the purpose of obtaining the silence or influencing the testimony of witnesses, potential witnesses or individuals who participated in such unlawful entry and other illegal activities.
(6) Endeavoring to misuse the Central Intelligence Agency, an agency of the United States.
(7) Disseminating information received from officers of the Department of Justice of the United States to subjects of investigations conducted by lawfully authorized investigative officers and employes of the United States for the purpose of aiding and assisting such subjects in their attempts to avoid criminal liability.
(8) Making false or misleading public statements for the purpose of deceiving the people of the United States into believing that a thorough and complete investigation has been conducted with respect to allegation of misconduct on the part of personnel of the Executive Branch of the United States and personnel of the Committee for the Re-Election of the President, and that there was no involvement of such personnel in such misconduct; or
(9) Endeavoring to cause prospective defendants, and individuals duly tried and convicted, to expect favored treatment and consideration in return for their silence or false testimony, or rewarding individuals for their silence or false testimony.
In all of this, Richard M. Nixon has acted in a manner contrary to his trust as President and subversive of constitutional government, to the great prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury of the people of the United States.
Wherefore Richard M. Nixon, by such conduct, warrants impeachment and trial, and removal from office.
(Approved by a vote of 27-11 by the House Judiciary Committee on Saturday, July 27, 1974.)
Article 2: Abuse of Power.
Using the powers of the office of President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, in violation of his constitutional oath faithfully to execute the office of President of the United States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in disregard of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has repeatedly engaged in conduct violating the constitutional rights of citizens, imparting the due and proper administration of justice and the conduct of lawful inquiries, or contravening the laws governing agencies of the executive branch and the purposes of these agencies.
This conduct has included one or more of the following:
(1) He has, acting personally and through his subordinated and agents, endeavored to obtain from the Internal Revenue Service, in violation of the constitutional rights of citizens, confidential information contained in income tax returns for purposes not authorized by law, and to cause, in violation of the constitutional rights of citizens, income tax audits or other income tax investigation to be initiated or conducted in a discriminatory manner.
(2) He misused the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Secret Service, and other executive personnel, in violation or disregard of the constitutional rights of citizens, by directing or authorizing such agencies or personnel to conduct or continue electronic surveillance or other investigations for purposes unrelated to national security, the enforcement of laws, or any other lawful function of his office; he did direct, authorize, or permit the use of information obtained thereby for purposes unrelated to national security, the enforcement of laws, or any other lawful function of his office; and he did direct the concealment of certain records made by the Federal Bureau of Investigation of electronic surveillance.
(3) He has, acting personally and through his subordinates and agents, in violation or disregard of the constitutional rights of citizens, authorized and permitted to be maintained a secret investigative unit within the office of the President, financed in part with money derived from campaign contributions to him, which unlawfully utilized the resources of the Central Intelligence Agency, engaged in covert and unlawful activities, and attempted to prejudice the constitutional right of an accused to a fair trial.
(4) He has failed to take care that the laws were faithfully executed by failing to act when he knew or had reason to know that his close subordinates endeavored to impede and frustrate lawful inquiries by duly constituted executive; judicial and legislative entities concerning the unlawful entry into the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee, and the cover-up thereof, and concerning other unlawful activities including those relating to the confirmation of Richard Kleindienst as attorney general of the United States, the electronic surveillance of private citizens, the break-in into the office of Dr. Lewis Fielding, and the campaign financing practices of the Committee to Re-elect the President.
(5) In disregard of the rule of law: he knowingly misused the executive power by interfering with agencies of the executive branch: including the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Criminal Division and the Office of Watergate Special Prosecution Force of the Department of Justice, in violation of his duty to take care that the laws by faithfully executed.
In all of this, Richard M. Nixon has acted in a manner contrary to his trust as President and subversive of constitutional government, to the great prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury of the people of the United States.
Wherefore Richard M. Nixon, by such conduct, warrants impeachment and trial, and removal from office.
(Approved 28-10 by the House Judiciary Committee on Monday, July 29, 1974.)
Article 3: Contempt of Congress.
In his conduct of the office of President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, contrary to his oath faithfully to execute the office of the President of the United States, and to the best of his ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in violation of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, had failed without lawful cause or excuse, to produce papers and things as directed by duly authorized subpoenas issued by the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives, on April 11, 1974, May 15, 1974, May 30, 1974, and June 24, 1974, and willfully disobeyed such subpoenas. The subpoenaed papers and things were deemed necessary by the Committee in order to resolve by direct evidence fundamental, factual questions relating to Presidential direction, knowledge or approval of actions demonstrated by other evidence to be substantial grounds for impeachment of the President. In refusing to produce these papers and things, Richard M. Nixon, substituting his judgement as to what materials were necessary for the inquiry, interposed the powers of the Presidency against the lawful subpoenas of the House of Representatives, thereby assuming to himself functions and judgments necessary to the exercise of the sole power of impeachment vested by Constitution in the House of Representatives.
In all this, Richard M. Nixon has acted in a manner contrary to his trust as President and subversive of constitutional government, to the great prejudice of the cause of law and justice, and to the manifest injury of the people of the United States.
Wherefore, Richard M. Nixon, by such conduct, warrants impeachment and trial and removal from office.
(Approved 21-17 by the House Judiciary Committee on Tuesday, July 30, 1974.)
Consequences:
On August 5, 1974, the long sought after audio tapes provided the "smoking gun" which revealed President Nixon had been deeply involved in the coverup and had ordered Haldeman to halt the FBI investigation just six days after the Watergate break-in. (Real Audio :06 "...call the FBI and say that we wish, for the country, don't go any further into this case, period..." -- Nixon to Haldeman, June 23, 1972.)
That revelation resulted in a complete collapse of support for Nixon in Congress. On Friday, August 9, Nixon resigned the presidency and avoided the likely prospect of losing the impeachment vote in the full House and a subsequent trial in the Senate. He thus became the only U.S. President ever to resign. Vice President Gerald R. Ford succeeded him and a month later granted Nixon a full pardon for any crimes he might have committed while President.
Richard Nixon had served a total of 2,026 days as the 37th President of the United States. He left office with 2 1/2 years of his second term remaining. A total of 25 officials from his administration, including four cabinet members, were eventually convicted and imprisoned for various crimes.
"...I think that the Watergate tragedy is the greatest tragedy this country has ever suffered. I used to think that the Civil War was our country's greatest tragedy, but I do remember that there were some redeeming features in the Civil War in that there was some spirit of sacrifice and heroism displayed on both sides. I see no redeeming features in Watergate." -- Senator Sam Ervin.
Friday, April 24, 2009
History
Political History
'Poli' in Latin means 'many' and 'tics' means 'bloodsucking creatures'.
Political highlights
1957 - independence, Nkrumah of CPP is PM, 2 key parties
1960 - declared republic, one party system, presidential system
1966 - military overthrow of 1st republic
1969 - 2nd republic, Busia of PP is PM, 2 key parties
1972 - military overthrow of 2nd republic
1978 - palace coup to restructure military government
1979 - junior officer uprising and military housecleaning
1979 - ushered third republic, Limann of PNP is President, 3 parties
1981 - overthrow of the constitutional PNP gov't by the PNDC military junta
1983 - Attempted overthrow of the PNDC junta by other junior army men 1992 - Rawlings of NDC is Dem elected as President, 2 parties **
1996 - Rawlings of NDC is re-elected, 2 parties
2001 - Kuffour (NPP) is President
2005 - Kufuor begins second-term in office
Summary: multiparty system 16 years
military system 21 years
oneparty system 6 years
** fraud allegations led to an electoral boycott resulting in an effective one party system. Also, marks the first time when the head of a military regime had contested in an election.
Ghana lies at the heart of a region which has been leading sub-Saharan African culture since the first millenium BC in metal-working mining, sculpture and agriculture.
Modern Ghana takes its name from the ancient kingdom of Ghana, some 800 km. (500 miles) to the north of present-day Accra, which flourished up to the eleventh century AD. One of the great sudanic states which dominate African history, the kingdom of Ghana controlled the gold trade between the min- ing areas to the south and the Saharan trade routes to the north. Ancient Ghana was also the focus for the export trade in Saharan copper and salt.
The coming of Europeans altered the trading patterns, and the focus of economic power shifted to the West African coast- line. The Portuguese came first, seeking the source of the African gold. It lay too far inland for them to reach; but on the Gold Coast they found a region where gold could be obtained, exported along established trade paths from the interior. Their fort at Elmina ("the mine") was the first in a series of forts along the Gold Coast designed to repel the other European seafarers who followed in their wake, all struggling for their share of the profitable Gold Coast trade.
In due course, however, slaves replaced gold as the most lucrative trade along the coast, with the European slave buy- ers using the forts and adjoining buildings for their own accommodation and protection, as well as for storing the goods, mainly guns and gunpowder, which they would barter for slaves. Some of the forts were also used for keeping newly acquired slaves pending the arrival of the ships sent to collect them.
The history of the various forts, given later in this guide, graphically expresses how the various European trading nations fought for our gold, ivory and later, slaves.
But while Europeans quarrelled over access to the coastal trade, and despite the appalling depredations of the slave traders, which left whole regions destroyed and depopulated, the shape of modern Ghana was being laid down. At the end of the 17th century, there were a number of small states on the Gold Coast; by 1750, these had merged, by conquest or diplomacy, into two: the Asante empire, and the Fantes. By the 19th century, the Asantes were seeking mastery of the coast, and especially access to the trading post of Elmina. By this time the British had won control of the coastal trade from the other European nations, and their interests could not tolerate further Asante expansion - more so since the Asante Empire was known for its sophisticated admin- istrative efficiency and would have been difficult or im- possible to best at trade. Nevertheless it took a series of military campaigns over some 50 years before the British were finally able to force the Asantes to give up sovereignty over their southern possessions. In a final campaign in 1874 the British attempted, without success, to seize Asante; they were however able to take Kumasi and exact a huge ransom for it in gold; and the vast Asante empire shrunk to the Asante and Brong-Ahafo regions of modern Ghana.
Meanwhile, the Fantes too had been uniting and organiz- ing, and in 1868 formed themselves into a confederacy under a king-president with a 15,000 strong army, a civil service and a constitution. In 1871 the British arrested the Fante leaders for "treason". They were however freed a month later, but the con- federacy never recovered from the blow. In 1874 the British for- mally established the British Crown Colony of the Gold Coast, "legalizing" a colonial policy which had in fact been in force since the signing of the bond between the coastal Chiefs and the British in 1844, despite the fact that the Chiefs never ceded sovereignty to the British under the bond, though some of them allowed British intervention in judicial matters.
The Asante and Fante traditions of education and organ- ization, and their urge for autonomy, remained throughout the years of British colonial rule. The Gold Coast was regarded as the showpiece of Britain's colonies: the richest, the best educat- ed, the first to have an elected majority in the legislature and with the best organized native authorities. The Gold Coast riots in 1948, which marked the start of the people's agitation for independence, were instrumental in changing British policy and drove home the point that colonialism had no future.
But a long struggle still lay ahead - and the man who was the catalyst of that struggle was Dr. Kwame Nkrumah
Born in 1909, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah trained as a teacher at Achimota College in Ghana and then in the United States and Britain, where he obtained his degrees.
He became prominent as a leader of West African organiza- tions in London and was invited to return to Ghana as general secretary of the United Gold Coast Convention. In 1949 he broke away to from the Convention People's Party with the slo- gan Self-Government Now.
In February 1951 the party swept to victory in the polls and became the leaders of Govermnent business in the colony's first African government. The Gold Coast had become the first British colony in Africa to achieve self-government. Govt in 1957
On 6 March 1957 Ghana achieved independence - again, the first British colony in Africa to do so - with Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah as its first Prime Minister. On 1st July,1960 it became a republic with Kwame Nkrumah as its first President.
Ghana spearheaded the political advancement of Africa and Dr. Nkrumah laid the foundations for the unity later expressed in the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). He was a firm supporter of the Commonwealth and the Non-Aligned movement.
On 24th February 1966, the government of Dr. Nkrumah was overthrown by the Ghana armed forces and the police. A National Liberation Council (NLC), headed by Lt. General Joseph Arthur Ankrah, was formed to administer the country.
General Ankrah was removed from office in April 1969 and Lt. General Akwasi Amankwa Afrifa became the Chairman of the NLC, which later gave way to a three-man Presidential Commission with General Afrifa as chairman. The Commission paved the way for a general election in 1969 which brought into power the Progress Party government, with Dr. Kofi Abrefa Busia as Prime Minister and Mr. Edward Akufo Addo as president.
The Ghana armed forces again took over the reins of gov- ernment on 13th January 1972, and Colonel (later General) Ignatius Kutu Acheampong became the Head of State and Chairman of the National Redemption Council (NRC). The name of the NRC was later changed to the Supreme Military Council (SMC). General Acheampong was replaced by General F.W.K. Akuffo in a palace coup in July 1978.
The SMC was overthrown on 4th June 1979, in a mass revolt of junior officers and men of the Ghana armed forces. Following the uprising, an Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) was set up under the chairmanship of Flt.-Lt. Jerry John Rawlings. The AFRC carried out a house-cleaning exercise in the armed forces and society at large, while restoring a sense of moral responsibility and the principle of accountability and pro- bity in public life. The AFRC was in office for only three months and, in pursuance of a programme already set in motion before the uprising, allowed general elections to be held. On 24th September 1979, the AFRC handed over power to the civilian administration of Dr. Hilla Limann, leader of the People's National Party which had won the elections.
In the wake of the continuing downward plunge of the coun- try, the Limann administration was overthrown on 31st December 1981, ushering in a new revolutionary era of far-reach ing reforms and rehabilitation at all levels. Flt.-Lt. Rawlings became the Chairman of a nine-member Provisional National Defence Ruling Council, (PNDC) with Secretaries of State in charge of the various ministries being responsible to the PNDC .
Immediately on assumption of office, the PNDC set up a National Commission for Democracy (NCD) charged with for- mulating a programme for the more effective realisation of true democracy. The Govemment of the PNDC also provided for the establishment of elected District Assemblies to bring local government to the grassroots.
In 1990, the NCD, at the prompting of the PNDC, organised forums in all the 10 regions of the country at which Ghanaians of all walks of life advanced their views as to what form of gov- ernment they wanted. These views were collated and analysed by the NCD whose final report indicated that the people want- ed a multi-party system of government.
This led to the appointment of a Committee of Experts to draw up constitutional proposals for the consideration of a Consultative Assembly. The Assembly prepared a draft consti- tution based on proposals submitted to it by the PNDC, as well as previous constitutions of 1957,1969 and 1979, and the report of the Committee of Experts. The final draft constitution was unanimously approved by the people in a referendum on April 28,1992.
Among other things, the Constitution provides for an Executive President elected by universal adult suffrage for a term of four years and eligible for re-election for only one addi- tional term. In the presidential elections held on November 3, 1992, Flt.-Lt- Rawlings who stood on the ticket of the National Democratic Congress (NDC), garnered 58.8% of the 3,989,020 votes cast to beat to second place his closest rival Prof. Albert Adu Boahen representing the New Patriotic Party who polled 30.4% of the votes. Other contestants for the presidency were former president Dr. Hilla limann of the People's National Convention (6.7%), Mr. Kwabena Darko of the National Independence Party (2.8%) and Lt-Gen. Emmanuel Erskine representing the People's Heritage Party (1.7%).
In the parliamentary elections held on December 29,1992, the Progressive Alliance made up of the National Democratic Congress, the National Convention Party and the Egle Party won 198 seats out of a total of 200, within the Alliance the NDC won 189 seats, the NCP had 8, the Egle Party 2, and Independents 2. Four parties - the NPP, PNC, NIP and PHP - boycotted the parliamentary elections, disatisfied with the pro posed election strategy.
The Fourth Republic was inaugurated on January 7,1993 with the swearing-in of Flt. Lt. Rawlings as President and his running mate, Mr.K.N. Arkaah as Vice President. The newly elected Parliament was opened on the same day and elected, Mr. Justice D.F. Annan as Speaker.
1996: Rawlings was re-elected for a second term
In the December 7, 2000 elections, John A. Kufuor of the New Patriotic Party (NPP), won the largest share of the presidential vote with 48.17% of the vote, compared to 44.54.% for Rawlings vice-president and hand-picked successor, John Atta Mills of the NDC. The NPP also won 100 of the 200 seats in Parliament. The NDC won 92 seats, while independent and small party candidates won eight seats. In the December 28 run-off election, with pledges of support form the other five opposition parties, Kufuor defeated Mills by winning 56.73% of the vote and the NPP picked up one additional MP by winning a by-election, giving them 100 seats and a majority in Parliament. Both rounds of the election were observed, and declared free and fair by a large contingent of domestic and international monitors. President Kufuor took the oath of office on January 7, 2001, becoming the first elected president in Ghanas history to succeed another elected president. He was re-elected in December 2004 for a second four-year term, becoming the first civilian president (without a military background) to fully serve his tenure and go ahead to be re-elected.
Political outlook
Under Jerry Rawlings' rule, Ghana became the most politically stable and prosperous nation in West Africa and provided a model of development for the rest of sub-Saharan Africa. This may continue under President Kufuor if the new government and opposition remain mindful of the turbulence in neighbouring Cte d'Ivoire and try to quell some of the grassroots violence seen during the last general election and in Dagbon in 2002.
Political instability and the intervention of the military is unlikely, particularly given Kufuor's ability to turn the Ghanaian economy around since he came to power. Despite his outbursts, Rawlings' career as a serial coup maker appears to be over. Nevertheless, following his inauguration in January 2001, President Kufuor appeared to backtrack on many popular policies which brought him electoral success. Apparently more interested in appeasing Western donors and international financial institutions than bolstering his own popularity, Kufuor pledged a period of austerity measures. He claims he is fully aware of the dangers this could pose to Ghana's political stability. In his swearing-in ceremony he warned that the ailing economy would 'put severe strains on our people's beliefs and enthusiasm for the democratic process' unless donors step up their assistance.
Colonial period: AD 1902-1957
In 1901, taking effect from 1 January 1902, Ashanti is declared a British crown colony. The regions further north become at the same time the Protectorate of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast.
The colonial years are relatively prosperous and untroubled. At first little is done to involve the African population in the political processes of the colony. But in the years immediately after World War II events move so fast that the Gold Coast becomes the first colony in sub-Saharan Africa to win its independence. The turning point is the return home in 1947 of Kwame Nkrumah after twelve years of study and radical politics in the USA and Britain.
Nkrumah is invited back to the Gold Coast to become general secretary of the United Gold Coast Convention, an organization campaigning for self-government. The UGCC has won the right (in 1946) for an African majority in the colony's legislative assembly, but the fight is now on for a share in executive power.
Nkrumah rapidly extends the movement's popular base, with the result that there are widespread riots in February 1948. The older UGCC leaders are alarmed by this (and by their brief arrest with Nkrumah). A split within the movement leads to Nkrumah founding in June 1949 the Convention People's Party, committed to immediate self-government.
From January 1950 Nkrumah organizes a campaign of nonviolent protests and strikes, which lands him back in gaol. But in the colony's first general election, in February 1951, the CPP wins convincingly even in the absence of its leader. Nkrumah is released from prison to join the government. In 1952 he becomes prime minister.
During the years of preparation for independence the neighbouring British Togo votes, in a 1956 plebiscite, to merge with the Gold Coast. It is therefore a slightly extended territory which becomes independent in 1957 under Nkrumah's leadership. A new name of great resonance in African history is adopted - Ghana (although the ancient kingdom of that name was far to the north, in present-day Mali)
Independence: from AD 1957
Nkrumah, well aware of his status at the head of the first west African nation to emerge from colonialism, dreams of leading the continent into a Marxist future. This requires a republic, which Ghana becomes in 1960 with Nkrumah as president for life. It also needs only one political party, the CPP. However Nkrumah's authoritarian rule, combined with a collapse in the nation's economy, prompts a coup when the president is away in China in 1966 (he goes into exile in Guinea).
It is the first of several such coups in Ghana's short history, but the nation remains true to the hope of democracy. In four decades Ghana establishes as many new republics.
A general election launching the second republic, in 1969, brings to power Kofi Busia, a university professor with a long track record in Ghanaian politics as an opponent of Nkrumah. But he is unable to improve Ghana's economic performance (weakened by low cocoa prices), and he is removed by military officers in 1972.
For a few years from 1972 a military regime rules with repressive brutality, under the successive leadership of two generals, Ignatius Acheampong and Frederick Akuffo. But by 1979 a group of younger officers has had enough. Led by Jerry Rawlings, a flight lieutenant in the air force, they take power. Acheampong and Akuffo are executed. Arrangements are put in place for speedy elections.
The third republic, in 1979, lasts only two years before Rawlings and his fellow officers intervene again. After his second coup Rawlings takes personal power, ruling through a Provisional National Defence Council which has the specific brief to organize a renewal of the nation's political and economic life down to village level.
Rawlings proves an efficient leader, winning international support for his economic policies, and the 1990s demonstrate that he has popular approval as well. In the prevailing fashion for multiparty democracy, Ghana holds elections in 1992 in preparation for its fourth republic.
Rawlings transforms his ruling council into a political party, the National Democratic Congress. The NDC wins nearly all the seats in parliament and Rawlings is elected president. But only 29% of the electorate vote, and most of the opposition parties boycott the election. The 1992 result can hardly be taken as a popular mandate.
However elections in 1996, at the end of the four-year term, are altogether more significant. There are other presidential candidates, at least one of them enjoying wide support. Yet Rawlings astonishes observers by winning 57% of the vote, to his nearest rival's 40%. And the NDC retains its absolute majority in parliament.
After two terms as an elected president, Rawlings stands down for the presidential election of December 2000. It is won by the opposition leader, John Kufuor.
A chronology of key events:
1482 - Portuguese set up trading settlement.
GHANA'S MOST FAMOUS SON
UN Secretary General Kofi Annan
Kofi Annan: recognised the world over as the public face of the UN
Profile: UN chief 1997 - 2006
1874 - British proclaim coastal area a crown colony.
1925 - First legislative council elections take place.
1957 March - Ghana becomes independent with Kwame Nkrumah as prime minister.
1960 - Ghana proclaimed a republic; Nkrumah elected president.
1964 - Ghana becomes a one-party state.
1966 - Nkrumah overthrown in military coup; Russian and Chinese technicians expelled.
1969 - New constitution facilitates transfer of power to civilian government led by Kofi Busia.
AFRICAN TRAIL BLAZER
Independence leader Kwame Nkrumah
Kwame Nkrumah triggered a wave of liberation movements
Hailed as hero when he led Ghana to independence in 1957
Fell from grace as economy collapsed and he became ever more authoritarian
Ousted in 1966
On This Day 1957
Story of Africa - Independence
1972 - Busia ousted in military coup led by Colonel Ignatius Acheampong.
1978 - Acheampong forced to resign; General Frederick Akuffo takes over.
Rawlings era
1979 - Akuffo deposed in coup led by Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings. Acheampong and Akuffo tried and executed on charges of corruption.
1979 September - Rawlings hands over power to an elected president, Hilla Limann.
1981 - Limann ousted in military coup led by Rawlings after two years of weak government and economic stagnation.
1983 - Rawlings adopts conservative economic policies, abolishing subsidies and price controls, privatising many state enterprises and devaluing the currency.
1992 - Referendum approves new constitution introducing a multiparty system. Rawlings elected president.
1994 - One thousand people are killed and a further 150,000 are displaced in the Northern Region following ethnic clashes between the Konkomba and the Nanumba over land ownership.
COUP LEADER
Jerry Rawlings, former president
Airforce pilot Jerry Rawlings ruled for two decades
1979 - Ousted military, handed power to elected president
1981 - Seized power. Won elections in 1992 and 1996
Stood down in 2001
Leads main opposition party
2000: Rawlings - The legacy
1994 June - Seven ethnic groups involved in violence in Northern Region sign peace agreement.
1995 - Government imposes curfew in Northern Region as renewed ethnic violence results in a further 100 deaths.
1996 - Jerry Rawlings re-elected president.
Kufuor elected
2000 - December - John Kufuor beats Vice-President John Atta Mills in the presidential election.
2001 February - Petrol prices rise by 60% following the government's decision to remove fuel subsidies.
2001 April - Ghana accepts debt relief under a scheme designed by the World Bank and the IMF.
2001 May - National day of mourning after football stadium stampede leaves 126 dead. Inquiry blames police for overreacting to crowd trouble.
2001 June - Government scraps public holiday celebrating Rawling's military coup in an effort to wipe out the legacy of his rule.
Cape Coast
Cape Coast, once a centre of the slave trade
2004: UN opens slavery remembrance year
2001 June - Floods hit Accra, causing 10 deaths and forcing 100,000 to flee their homes.
2002 April - State of emergency is declared in the north after a tribal chief and more than 30 others are killed in clan violence. State of emergency is lifted in August 2004.
2002 May - President Kufuor inaugurates reconciliation commission to look into human rights violations during military rule.
2003 October - Government approves merger of two gold-mining firms, creating new gold-mining giant.
2004 February - Former President Jerry Rawlings testifies at commission investigating human rights offences during the early years of his rule.
Accra skyline
Accra, the capital, is renowned for its beaches, nightlife
1877: Becomes capital of Britain's Gold Coast colony
Population: 1 million
2004 October - Group of current and former military personnel detained on suspicion of planning to destabilise government ahead of elections.
2004 December - Presidential poll: Incumbent John Kufuor wins a second term.
2005 April-May - Thousands of Togolese refugees arrive, fleeing political violence in their home country.
2006 April - A boat capsizes on Lake Volta reservoir; more than 100 passengers are feared drowned.
2006 June - Visiting Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao promises to lend Ghana about $66m to fund development projects. He is on an African tour aimed at opening new export markets for China's booming economy and at securing energy and mineral supplies.
2007 March - Ghana celebrates 50 years of independence from Britain.
2007 June - Major off-shore oil discovery announced. President Kufuor says oil will turn Ghana into an "African tiger".
2007 September - The worst floods for more than 30 years cause widespread devastation, destroying much of the annual harvest.
2007 December - President Kufuor says off-shore oil reserves total 3 billion barrels.
2008 December - John Atta Mills, candidate of the opposition National Democratic Congress, is elected president, narrowly winning a run-off vote against Nana Akufo-Addo, of incumbent President John Kufuor's New Patriotic Party.
'Poli' in Latin means 'many' and 'tics' means 'bloodsucking creatures'.
Political highlights
1957 - independence, Nkrumah of CPP is PM, 2 key parties
1960 - declared republic, one party system, presidential system
1966 - military overthrow of 1st republic
1969 - 2nd republic, Busia of PP is PM, 2 key parties
1972 - military overthrow of 2nd republic
1978 - palace coup to restructure military government
1979 - junior officer uprising and military housecleaning
1979 - ushered third republic, Limann of PNP is President, 3 parties
1981 - overthrow of the constitutional PNP gov't by the PNDC military junta
1983 - Attempted overthrow of the PNDC junta by other junior army men 1992 - Rawlings of NDC is Dem elected as President, 2 parties **
1996 - Rawlings of NDC is re-elected, 2 parties
2001 - Kuffour (NPP) is President
2005 - Kufuor begins second-term in office
Summary: multiparty system 16 years
military system 21 years
oneparty system 6 years
** fraud allegations led to an electoral boycott resulting in an effective one party system. Also, marks the first time when the head of a military regime had contested in an election.
Ghana lies at the heart of a region which has been leading sub-Saharan African culture since the first millenium BC in metal-working mining, sculpture and agriculture.
Modern Ghana takes its name from the ancient kingdom of Ghana, some 800 km. (500 miles) to the north of present-day Accra, which flourished up to the eleventh century AD. One of the great sudanic states which dominate African history, the kingdom of Ghana controlled the gold trade between the min- ing areas to the south and the Saharan trade routes to the north. Ancient Ghana was also the focus for the export trade in Saharan copper and salt.
The coming of Europeans altered the trading patterns, and the focus of economic power shifted to the West African coast- line. The Portuguese came first, seeking the source of the African gold. It lay too far inland for them to reach; but on the Gold Coast they found a region where gold could be obtained, exported along established trade paths from the interior. Their fort at Elmina ("the mine") was the first in a series of forts along the Gold Coast designed to repel the other European seafarers who followed in their wake, all struggling for their share of the profitable Gold Coast trade.
In due course, however, slaves replaced gold as the most lucrative trade along the coast, with the European slave buy- ers using the forts and adjoining buildings for their own accommodation and protection, as well as for storing the goods, mainly guns and gunpowder, which they would barter for slaves. Some of the forts were also used for keeping newly acquired slaves pending the arrival of the ships sent to collect them.
The history of the various forts, given later in this guide, graphically expresses how the various European trading nations fought for our gold, ivory and later, slaves.
But while Europeans quarrelled over access to the coastal trade, and despite the appalling depredations of the slave traders, which left whole regions destroyed and depopulated, the shape of modern Ghana was being laid down. At the end of the 17th century, there were a number of small states on the Gold Coast; by 1750, these had merged, by conquest or diplomacy, into two: the Asante empire, and the Fantes. By the 19th century, the Asantes were seeking mastery of the coast, and especially access to the trading post of Elmina. By this time the British had won control of the coastal trade from the other European nations, and their interests could not tolerate further Asante expansion - more so since the Asante Empire was known for its sophisticated admin- istrative efficiency and would have been difficult or im- possible to best at trade. Nevertheless it took a series of military campaigns over some 50 years before the British were finally able to force the Asantes to give up sovereignty over their southern possessions. In a final campaign in 1874 the British attempted, without success, to seize Asante; they were however able to take Kumasi and exact a huge ransom for it in gold; and the vast Asante empire shrunk to the Asante and Brong-Ahafo regions of modern Ghana.
Meanwhile, the Fantes too had been uniting and organiz- ing, and in 1868 formed themselves into a confederacy under a king-president with a 15,000 strong army, a civil service and a constitution. In 1871 the British arrested the Fante leaders for "treason". They were however freed a month later, but the con- federacy never recovered from the blow. In 1874 the British for- mally established the British Crown Colony of the Gold Coast, "legalizing" a colonial policy which had in fact been in force since the signing of the bond between the coastal Chiefs and the British in 1844, despite the fact that the Chiefs never ceded sovereignty to the British under the bond, though some of them allowed British intervention in judicial matters.
The Asante and Fante traditions of education and organ- ization, and their urge for autonomy, remained throughout the years of British colonial rule. The Gold Coast was regarded as the showpiece of Britain's colonies: the richest, the best educat- ed, the first to have an elected majority in the legislature and with the best organized native authorities. The Gold Coast riots in 1948, which marked the start of the people's agitation for independence, were instrumental in changing British policy and drove home the point that colonialism had no future.
But a long struggle still lay ahead - and the man who was the catalyst of that struggle was Dr. Kwame Nkrumah
Born in 1909, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah trained as a teacher at Achimota College in Ghana and then in the United States and Britain, where he obtained his degrees.
He became prominent as a leader of West African organiza- tions in London and was invited to return to Ghana as general secretary of the United Gold Coast Convention. In 1949 he broke away to from the Convention People's Party with the slo- gan Self-Government Now.
In February 1951 the party swept to victory in the polls and became the leaders of Govermnent business in the colony's first African government. The Gold Coast had become the first British colony in Africa to achieve self-government. Govt in 1957
On 6 March 1957 Ghana achieved independence - again, the first British colony in Africa to do so - with Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah as its first Prime Minister. On 1st July,1960 it became a republic with Kwame Nkrumah as its first President.
Ghana spearheaded the political advancement of Africa and Dr. Nkrumah laid the foundations for the unity later expressed in the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). He was a firm supporter of the Commonwealth and the Non-Aligned movement.
On 24th February 1966, the government of Dr. Nkrumah was overthrown by the Ghana armed forces and the police. A National Liberation Council (NLC), headed by Lt. General Joseph Arthur Ankrah, was formed to administer the country.
General Ankrah was removed from office in April 1969 and Lt. General Akwasi Amankwa Afrifa became the Chairman of the NLC, which later gave way to a three-man Presidential Commission with General Afrifa as chairman. The Commission paved the way for a general election in 1969 which brought into power the Progress Party government, with Dr. Kofi Abrefa Busia as Prime Minister and Mr. Edward Akufo Addo as president.
The Ghana armed forces again took over the reins of gov- ernment on 13th January 1972, and Colonel (later General) Ignatius Kutu Acheampong became the Head of State and Chairman of the National Redemption Council (NRC). The name of the NRC was later changed to the Supreme Military Council (SMC). General Acheampong was replaced by General F.W.K. Akuffo in a palace coup in July 1978.
The SMC was overthrown on 4th June 1979, in a mass revolt of junior officers and men of the Ghana armed forces. Following the uprising, an Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) was set up under the chairmanship of Flt.-Lt. Jerry John Rawlings. The AFRC carried out a house-cleaning exercise in the armed forces and society at large, while restoring a sense of moral responsibility and the principle of accountability and pro- bity in public life. The AFRC was in office for only three months and, in pursuance of a programme already set in motion before the uprising, allowed general elections to be held. On 24th September 1979, the AFRC handed over power to the civilian administration of Dr. Hilla Limann, leader of the People's National Party which had won the elections.
In the wake of the continuing downward plunge of the coun- try, the Limann administration was overthrown on 31st December 1981, ushering in a new revolutionary era of far-reach ing reforms and rehabilitation at all levels. Flt.-Lt. Rawlings became the Chairman of a nine-member Provisional National Defence Ruling Council, (PNDC) with Secretaries of State in charge of the various ministries being responsible to the PNDC .
Immediately on assumption of office, the PNDC set up a National Commission for Democracy (NCD) charged with for- mulating a programme for the more effective realisation of true democracy. The Govemment of the PNDC also provided for the establishment of elected District Assemblies to bring local government to the grassroots.
In 1990, the NCD, at the prompting of the PNDC, organised forums in all the 10 regions of the country at which Ghanaians of all walks of life advanced their views as to what form of gov- ernment they wanted. These views were collated and analysed by the NCD whose final report indicated that the people want- ed a multi-party system of government.
This led to the appointment of a Committee of Experts to draw up constitutional proposals for the consideration of a Consultative Assembly. The Assembly prepared a draft consti- tution based on proposals submitted to it by the PNDC, as well as previous constitutions of 1957,1969 and 1979, and the report of the Committee of Experts. The final draft constitution was unanimously approved by the people in a referendum on April 28,1992.
Among other things, the Constitution provides for an Executive President elected by universal adult suffrage for a term of four years and eligible for re-election for only one addi- tional term. In the presidential elections held on November 3, 1992, Flt.-Lt- Rawlings who stood on the ticket of the National Democratic Congress (NDC), garnered 58.8% of the 3,989,020 votes cast to beat to second place his closest rival Prof. Albert Adu Boahen representing the New Patriotic Party who polled 30.4% of the votes. Other contestants for the presidency were former president Dr. Hilla limann of the People's National Convention (6.7%), Mr. Kwabena Darko of the National Independence Party (2.8%) and Lt-Gen. Emmanuel Erskine representing the People's Heritage Party (1.7%).
In the parliamentary elections held on December 29,1992, the Progressive Alliance made up of the National Democratic Congress, the National Convention Party and the Egle Party won 198 seats out of a total of 200, within the Alliance the NDC won 189 seats, the NCP had 8, the Egle Party 2, and Independents 2. Four parties - the NPP, PNC, NIP and PHP - boycotted the parliamentary elections, disatisfied with the pro posed election strategy.
The Fourth Republic was inaugurated on January 7,1993 with the swearing-in of Flt. Lt. Rawlings as President and his running mate, Mr.K.N. Arkaah as Vice President. The newly elected Parliament was opened on the same day and elected, Mr. Justice D.F. Annan as Speaker.
1996: Rawlings was re-elected for a second term
In the December 7, 2000 elections, John A. Kufuor of the New Patriotic Party (NPP), won the largest share of the presidential vote with 48.17% of the vote, compared to 44.54.% for Rawlings vice-president and hand-picked successor, John Atta Mills of the NDC. The NPP also won 100 of the 200 seats in Parliament. The NDC won 92 seats, while independent and small party candidates won eight seats. In the December 28 run-off election, with pledges of support form the other five opposition parties, Kufuor defeated Mills by winning 56.73% of the vote and the NPP picked up one additional MP by winning a by-election, giving them 100 seats and a majority in Parliament. Both rounds of the election were observed, and declared free and fair by a large contingent of domestic and international monitors. President Kufuor took the oath of office on January 7, 2001, becoming the first elected president in Ghanas history to succeed another elected president. He was re-elected in December 2004 for a second four-year term, becoming the first civilian president (without a military background) to fully serve his tenure and go ahead to be re-elected.
Political outlook
Under Jerry Rawlings' rule, Ghana became the most politically stable and prosperous nation in West Africa and provided a model of development for the rest of sub-Saharan Africa. This may continue under President Kufuor if the new government and opposition remain mindful of the turbulence in neighbouring Cte d'Ivoire and try to quell some of the grassroots violence seen during the last general election and in Dagbon in 2002.
Political instability and the intervention of the military is unlikely, particularly given Kufuor's ability to turn the Ghanaian economy around since he came to power. Despite his outbursts, Rawlings' career as a serial coup maker appears to be over. Nevertheless, following his inauguration in January 2001, President Kufuor appeared to backtrack on many popular policies which brought him electoral success. Apparently more interested in appeasing Western donors and international financial institutions than bolstering his own popularity, Kufuor pledged a period of austerity measures. He claims he is fully aware of the dangers this could pose to Ghana's political stability. In his swearing-in ceremony he warned that the ailing economy would 'put severe strains on our people's beliefs and enthusiasm for the democratic process' unless donors step up their assistance.
Colonial period: AD 1902-1957
In 1901, taking effect from 1 January 1902, Ashanti is declared a British crown colony. The regions further north become at the same time the Protectorate of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast.
The colonial years are relatively prosperous and untroubled. At first little is done to involve the African population in the political processes of the colony. But in the years immediately after World War II events move so fast that the Gold Coast becomes the first colony in sub-Saharan Africa to win its independence. The turning point is the return home in 1947 of Kwame Nkrumah after twelve years of study and radical politics in the USA and Britain.
Nkrumah is invited back to the Gold Coast to become general secretary of the United Gold Coast Convention, an organization campaigning for self-government. The UGCC has won the right (in 1946) for an African majority in the colony's legislative assembly, but the fight is now on for a share in executive power.
Nkrumah rapidly extends the movement's popular base, with the result that there are widespread riots in February 1948. The older UGCC leaders are alarmed by this (and by their brief arrest with Nkrumah). A split within the movement leads to Nkrumah founding in June 1949 the Convention People's Party, committed to immediate self-government.
From January 1950 Nkrumah organizes a campaign of nonviolent protests and strikes, which lands him back in gaol. But in the colony's first general election, in February 1951, the CPP wins convincingly even in the absence of its leader. Nkrumah is released from prison to join the government. In 1952 he becomes prime minister.
During the years of preparation for independence the neighbouring British Togo votes, in a 1956 plebiscite, to merge with the Gold Coast. It is therefore a slightly extended territory which becomes independent in 1957 under Nkrumah's leadership. A new name of great resonance in African history is adopted - Ghana (although the ancient kingdom of that name was far to the north, in present-day Mali)
Independence: from AD 1957
Nkrumah, well aware of his status at the head of the first west African nation to emerge from colonialism, dreams of leading the continent into a Marxist future. This requires a republic, which Ghana becomes in 1960 with Nkrumah as president for life. It also needs only one political party, the CPP. However Nkrumah's authoritarian rule, combined with a collapse in the nation's economy, prompts a coup when the president is away in China in 1966 (he goes into exile in Guinea).
It is the first of several such coups in Ghana's short history, but the nation remains true to the hope of democracy. In four decades Ghana establishes as many new republics.
A general election launching the second republic, in 1969, brings to power Kofi Busia, a university professor with a long track record in Ghanaian politics as an opponent of Nkrumah. But he is unable to improve Ghana's economic performance (weakened by low cocoa prices), and he is removed by military officers in 1972.
For a few years from 1972 a military regime rules with repressive brutality, under the successive leadership of two generals, Ignatius Acheampong and Frederick Akuffo. But by 1979 a group of younger officers has had enough. Led by Jerry Rawlings, a flight lieutenant in the air force, they take power. Acheampong and Akuffo are executed. Arrangements are put in place for speedy elections.
The third republic, in 1979, lasts only two years before Rawlings and his fellow officers intervene again. After his second coup Rawlings takes personal power, ruling through a Provisional National Defence Council which has the specific brief to organize a renewal of the nation's political and economic life down to village level.
Rawlings proves an efficient leader, winning international support for his economic policies, and the 1990s demonstrate that he has popular approval as well. In the prevailing fashion for multiparty democracy, Ghana holds elections in 1992 in preparation for its fourth republic.
Rawlings transforms his ruling council into a political party, the National Democratic Congress. The NDC wins nearly all the seats in parliament and Rawlings is elected president. But only 29% of the electorate vote, and most of the opposition parties boycott the election. The 1992 result can hardly be taken as a popular mandate.
However elections in 1996, at the end of the four-year term, are altogether more significant. There are other presidential candidates, at least one of them enjoying wide support. Yet Rawlings astonishes observers by winning 57% of the vote, to his nearest rival's 40%. And the NDC retains its absolute majority in parliament.
After two terms as an elected president, Rawlings stands down for the presidential election of December 2000. It is won by the opposition leader, John Kufuor.
A chronology of key events:
1482 - Portuguese set up trading settlement.
GHANA'S MOST FAMOUS SON
UN Secretary General Kofi Annan
Kofi Annan: recognised the world over as the public face of the UN
Profile: UN chief 1997 - 2006
1874 - British proclaim coastal area a crown colony.
1925 - First legislative council elections take place.
1957 March - Ghana becomes independent with Kwame Nkrumah as prime minister.
1960 - Ghana proclaimed a republic; Nkrumah elected president.
1964 - Ghana becomes a one-party state.
1966 - Nkrumah overthrown in military coup; Russian and Chinese technicians expelled.
1969 - New constitution facilitates transfer of power to civilian government led by Kofi Busia.
AFRICAN TRAIL BLAZER
Independence leader Kwame Nkrumah
Kwame Nkrumah triggered a wave of liberation movements
Hailed as hero when he led Ghana to independence in 1957
Fell from grace as economy collapsed and he became ever more authoritarian
Ousted in 1966
On This Day 1957
Story of Africa - Independence
1972 - Busia ousted in military coup led by Colonel Ignatius Acheampong.
1978 - Acheampong forced to resign; General Frederick Akuffo takes over.
Rawlings era
1979 - Akuffo deposed in coup led by Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings. Acheampong and Akuffo tried and executed on charges of corruption.
1979 September - Rawlings hands over power to an elected president, Hilla Limann.
1981 - Limann ousted in military coup led by Rawlings after two years of weak government and economic stagnation.
1983 - Rawlings adopts conservative economic policies, abolishing subsidies and price controls, privatising many state enterprises and devaluing the currency.
1992 - Referendum approves new constitution introducing a multiparty system. Rawlings elected president.
1994 - One thousand people are killed and a further 150,000 are displaced in the Northern Region following ethnic clashes between the Konkomba and the Nanumba over land ownership.
COUP LEADER
Jerry Rawlings, former president
Airforce pilot Jerry Rawlings ruled for two decades
1979 - Ousted military, handed power to elected president
1981 - Seized power. Won elections in 1992 and 1996
Stood down in 2001
Leads main opposition party
2000: Rawlings - The legacy
1994 June - Seven ethnic groups involved in violence in Northern Region sign peace agreement.
1995 - Government imposes curfew in Northern Region as renewed ethnic violence results in a further 100 deaths.
1996 - Jerry Rawlings re-elected president.
Kufuor elected
2000 - December - John Kufuor beats Vice-President John Atta Mills in the presidential election.
2001 February - Petrol prices rise by 60% following the government's decision to remove fuel subsidies.
2001 April - Ghana accepts debt relief under a scheme designed by the World Bank and the IMF.
2001 May - National day of mourning after football stadium stampede leaves 126 dead. Inquiry blames police for overreacting to crowd trouble.
2001 June - Government scraps public holiday celebrating Rawling's military coup in an effort to wipe out the legacy of his rule.
Cape Coast
Cape Coast, once a centre of the slave trade
2004: UN opens slavery remembrance year
2001 June - Floods hit Accra, causing 10 deaths and forcing 100,000 to flee their homes.
2002 April - State of emergency is declared in the north after a tribal chief and more than 30 others are killed in clan violence. State of emergency is lifted in August 2004.
2002 May - President Kufuor inaugurates reconciliation commission to look into human rights violations during military rule.
2003 October - Government approves merger of two gold-mining firms, creating new gold-mining giant.
2004 February - Former President Jerry Rawlings testifies at commission investigating human rights offences during the early years of his rule.
Accra skyline
Accra, the capital, is renowned for its beaches, nightlife
1877: Becomes capital of Britain's Gold Coast colony
Population: 1 million
2004 October - Group of current and former military personnel detained on suspicion of planning to destabilise government ahead of elections.
2004 December - Presidential poll: Incumbent John Kufuor wins a second term.
2005 April-May - Thousands of Togolese refugees arrive, fleeing political violence in their home country.
2006 April - A boat capsizes on Lake Volta reservoir; more than 100 passengers are feared drowned.
2006 June - Visiting Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao promises to lend Ghana about $66m to fund development projects. He is on an African tour aimed at opening new export markets for China's booming economy and at securing energy and mineral supplies.
2007 March - Ghana celebrates 50 years of independence from Britain.
2007 June - Major off-shore oil discovery announced. President Kufuor says oil will turn Ghana into an "African tiger".
2007 September - The worst floods for more than 30 years cause widespread devastation, destroying much of the annual harvest.
2007 December - President Kufuor says off-shore oil reserves total 3 billion barrels.
2008 December - John Atta Mills, candidate of the opposition National Democratic Congress, is elected president, narrowly winning a run-off vote against Nana Akufo-Addo, of incumbent President John Kufuor's New Patriotic Party.
Thursday, April 16, 2009
Agenda
Introduction:
THE agenda-setting theory is the theory that the mass-news media have a large influence on audiences by their choice of what stories to consider newsworthy and how much prominence and space to give them. Agenda-setting theory’s central axiom is salience transfer, or the ability of the mass media to transfer importance of items on their mass agendas to the public agendas.
Contents:
Media practitioners question the competence and integrity of all public office holders without being accountable to anybody. The media have become so powerful in recent times that some commentators conclude that the freedom of press and of expression guaranteed by the Constitution has led to the tyranny of the media.
It is generally agreed that a free press is the tool of public criticism. It holds public officials accountable, opening them up to the judgement of people who can decide whether the government is doing good or whether it has anything to hide.
Article 162 Clause 5 of the Constitution states that “All agencies of the mass media shall, at all times, be free to uphold the principles, provisions and objectives of this Constitution and shall uphold the responsibility and accountability of the government to the people of Ghana.”
The activities of the media have come under scrutiny since the December 7, 2008 general election for very obvious reasons. The media play a very critical role in setting the agenda.
Given that by the nature of journalism profession, journalists are entrusted with empowering the citizenry to make informed decisions, it is imperative that they relentlessly pursue fairness and truth in their reportage.
Shortly after the elections, certain media houses pitted brother against sister just on account that they belonged to different political persuasions. Indeed, during that time keen observers of the media scene had cause to worry about the blatant abuse of the code of ethics of journalism.
This provision imposes a heavy responsibility on all journalists to act as watchdogs of the actions of public officials.
The media of Ghana is one of the most free in Africa, and had previously undergone a series of government overthrows by military leaders and periods of severe restriction.
Chapter 12 of the 1992 Constitution of Ghana guarantees freedom of the press and independence of the media, while Chapter 2 prohibits censorship. Post independence, the government and media often had a tense relationship, with private outlets closed during the military coups and strict media laws that prevent criticism of government.
The media freedoms were restored in 1992, and after the election in 2000 of John Kufuor the tensions between the private media and government decreased. Kufuor was a supporter of press freedom and repealed a libel law, though maintained that the media had to act responsibly. The Ghanian media has been described as "one of the most unfettered" in Africa, operating with little restriction on private media. The private press often carries criticism of government policy. The media were vigorous in their coverage of the 2008 Ghanian presidential election, and the Ghanian Journalists Association (GJA) praised John Atta Mills on his election, hoping to foster a good media-government relationship.
Unfortunately, sometimes some media practitioners abuse this responsibility imposed on them by the Constitution and engage in acts that are not protected by the laws of the land.
To recall again Mr Cofie’s admonition to the media when he asked, “Is it not painful that the great job some of you sought to do during the general election was marred by the bizarre distortion of facts, broadcast of false information and the undue fuelling of passions by others?”
Other professionals have questioned the moral authority of media practitioners to hold public office holders accountable when such values and principles are missing in the discharge of duty by certain journalists, even including trained ones.
There is still believes in the power of the media to help the people to make informed decisions through independent political agenda setting.
The time has come for the media, particularly its professional body, the Ghana Journalists Association (GJA), to intensify continuing education of its members and those who do not belong to the association to compel them to respect the ethics, values and principles of the profession.
Great men like Thomas Jefferson had so much faith in the media because of their power to change society for the better. That was why, confronted with his preference for government or media, he declared, “The basis of our government being the opinion of the people, the very first object should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter.”
There is a call on all media practitioners to resolve to respect their code of ethics and other best practices in order to continue to earn the respect of the public to inform them.
A democratic and free society is dependent on the ability of the media to inform, educate and entertain. But if we allow public resentment for the media to mount because we have become “Jacks of all trades but masters of none”, interest groups from politics, the business community and the clergy will gang up to curtail media freedoms.
Let us, therefore, demonstrate to the people we serve that we shall exercise the freedom guaranteed in the Constitution with responsibility.
We should bear in mind that no society makes progress in a state of nature. The press will continue to provide a forum for public debate and public scrutiny of government if journalists respect the cardinal principles of fairness, accuracy and balance in their reportage.
The need for journalists to live up to their role as neutral referees was crucial and a precondition for successful polls.
So important is the media’s role that their task of educating the electorates to help them to make wise political decisions and not to prejudge the issues.
The call to practitioners of the noble profession, which has become known as the Fourth Estate of the Realm in the country.
Rightly so, journalists have a crucial role in shaping opinions and empowering the voting public with information with which to make informed decisions.
The fourth President of the United States, James Madison, an ardent promoter of free press and free society, once noted that “knowledge will forever govern ignorance; and a people who mean to be their own governors must arm themselves with the power which knowledge gives”.
The freedom that has been accorded the media needs to be used responsibly, as there is no absolute freedom. Everybody in society identifies with the media in one way or another and anything the media churns out is likely to make an impact, either negatively or positively, on different segments of society.
It is for this reason that the state endorses the call on the media to play a leading and responsible role in the run up, during and after the December polls.
There is no better time than now for the media to show their readiness to promote peace, reconciliation and development and there is yet no better journalism than development journalism in which even the bleakest incidents, events and behaviours are looked at and shaped from a development perspective.
This will mean that every act of the media will be guided by the overriding interest of promoting the cause of the larger society, a fair balance of exercising responsibility in freedom.
It is only proper for the media to aspire to promote national peace and stability through the use of temperate and refined language.
It is commended that the GJA use the awards ceremony for journalists as the platform to drum support for efforts by other organisations to sensitise the electorate to the need for free and fair polls.
With a few weeks to the highly anticipated polls on December 7, Ghanaians were encouraged to play their roles as responsible citizens and in this national assignment the media cannot afford to distort the peace with irresponsible reportage.
I believe members of the media fraternity joined the peace-loving Ghanaians to work towards successful elections that established Ghana as a model democratic state in Africa.
The Fourth Republic has already witnessed four elections and the Electoral Commission (EC) has played a key role in making those elections successful.
The commission has demonstrated that it has the character and professionalism to appropriately deal with the competing demands from the various political parties.
Even on occasions when it has been unfairly condemned and criticised, it has refused to crumble under pressure.
As the nation drew closer to the December polls, political campaigns got heated and politicians made last minute efforts to woo voters and improve their chances of winning the elections.
In the heat of these campaigns, some politicians made utterances that tend to question the integrity and fairness of the EC, even when such accusations were baseless and could not be substantiated. It is becoming quite evident that the EC is sometimes unfairly drawn into the politics of the day.
Thus any attempt to characterise the EC as a politically bias entity could serve as a potent distraction to the conduct of free and fair elections.
That is why politicians are called upon to guard their utterances and ensure that they avoid casting the media in a bad light and, thereby, erode the confidence of the electorate in it.
Interestingly, some politicians who are always quick to chastise the media are actually the very people who have been implicated in one shameful electoral malpractice or another.
As has been duly acknowledged by all the political parties, the conduct of free and fair elections is not the responsibility of only the media but also all Ghanaians, including political parties, the judiciary, the media, the security agencies and the electorate.
It is, therefore, hoped that this recognition will find greater practical expression and save the media from any further unfair bashing.
The confidence of the people can only be sustained if the media refuse to bow to any pressure from any quarter and rather rededicates itself to the ideals required for free and fair elections.
And, with the rest of the world closely watching us, Ghana, as a peace-loving country, have demonstrated that we are not only determined to consolidate the gains made so far on our democratic journey, but also committed to maintaining our position as a shining example on the continent.
We have confirmed Ghana as a democratic country, which is offering hope to the continent and our conduct yesterday was a positive way of trying to redeem Africa’s image.
Indeed, apart from isolated cases of misunderstandings and physical aggression, there is a lot to commend ourselves for and it will not be in the least misplaced to remark that this is one of the best elections in the country since 1992.
All over the country it was evident that Ghanaians are more than ever enthralled by multi-party democracy which offers the opportunity for the conduct of periodic elections to select those who will represent the best path towards the future.
The Electoral Commission (EC), security agencies, various political parties and candidates, the media, civil society organisations and the electorate all need to be commended for their role in ensuring peaceful and orderly polls.
The massive turnout devoid of the pre-election tension teaches one lesson that through collaborative efforts, we can find solutions to the challenges that confront us.
Electorate are reminded of the challenges of the post-election thrills and disappointment after the declaration of validated results. If these difficulties are not properly managed, our celebrations can be short-lived as the trouble makers can create doubts in the minds of the people about the credibility of the polls.
However, it is believed that the transparent nature of the polls would be a deterrent to anyone who may choose the path of violence to address whatever concerns that may emerge.
A government of the people, by the people and for the people should in essence harness whatever potential is available irrespective of the political affiliation of the individual who has demonstrated ample competence and has requisite qualification for the task ahead.
The use of a tribal card in an election or nation-building can pose a threat to national unity and civility and be inimical to progress. Again, such an approach can engender divide-and-rule tactics and discrimination and feed into the psyche of the electorate the dangerous mindset of “us and them”, the media has a responsibility to set the agenda to eschew such occurrences.
The Ghanaian media performed creditably in the last elections and hope that the practitioners will continue to play their gate-keeping role to prevent any situation where they can be used as agents of ethnic politics by politicians.
Elections are not a life-and-death issue. Rather, they are a democratic process of taking a decision and exercising one’s preferences for the ideas and programmes presented by a candidate and a party through the ballot box.
The political parties should continue to be modest in their electioneering and refrain from the use of abusive and intemperate language which can inflame passions. Again, it is expected that the electorate, the Electoral Commission and the security personnel will once again rise up to the task and live up to the expectation of organising a transparent peaceful election in the future.
We should not do anything to mar the beauty of our development process by playing the ethnic card which can sow seeds of discord and disunity and prepare the grounds for confusion, social upheavals and violence.
We are now on the plateau of giving further impetus to our development and nature has been kind to us to bestow on us resources such as oil to leap-frog our socio-economic transformation.
There can be ownership of and participation in the decision-making process only if the people know their rights and responsibilities in order to hold the government accountable. Indeed, Article 11 of the Constitution states categorically that "The Sovereignty of Ghana resides in the people of Ghana in whose name and for whose welfare the powers of government are to be exercised in the manner and within the limits laid down in the Constitution."
The struggle over who gets what, when and how is largely carried out in the mass media. Reporters and news editors usually deny that they are powerful political actors, claiming they only mirror society; but the "myth of the mirror" is that the media do play key roles in setting the political agenda by determining what news is to be covered, how much, and in what context.
Agenda Setting: This is the real power of the media. The media do not just passively report the news. They select what is to be covered, thereby setting a political agenda. Conversely, media inattention can allow governments to continue ineffective policies or worse. The media can even propel a latent issue into a "crisis" with which government must deal.
The media have effects in setting the political agenda and in helping form new opinions, but they are less effective in changing existing opinions or in changing political behaviour.
"Information overload" also diminishes the effects of the media, as does the relative disinterest of many Ghanaians in the political news. Moreover, the public exercises selective perception, mentally screening out information and opinions with which they disagree. The result of the media performing their self-declared watchdog role can be alienation rather than reform.
Diverging political agenda-setting studies concerning the mass media’s impact on society are as old as the media themselves.
Opposing views and conflicting research results have led to different conclusions ranging from minimal-effects to powerful mass media. During the last three decades the notion of agenda-setting has probably provided the most influential and fertile paradigm in media and communications research. The mass media determine the political agenda to boost political attention for issues.
The field of media and political agenda-setting is disparate and undertheorized.
As media and political agenda-setting studies are slowly increasing and the subfield is growing to maturity, such an integrative effort comes timely. Only by confronting, comparing and systematising the available evidence generated by previous studies can we make inroads in understanding the media’s political agenda-setting power.
Political agenda-setting implies a time gap between issue coverage and issue adoption by political parties.
Both election and non-election periods times are fundamentally different and that behaviour of political actors, and their reaction on media coverage, follows different logics in both periods.
Depending on the political system, the nature of the media agenda, the specific issues, the methodology, the nature of the political agenda, and the period under study, the results of similar studies can vary extensively.
It is obvious, however, that there are crucial differences between public and political agenda-setting.
As a rule government’s political agenda is less flexible, more cemented by previous arrangements and meticulously balanced agreements. Especially when it comes to coalition governments built on a lengthy government agreement, governments’ substantial policy actions are immunised against media impact. Pressures to react and to show leadership especially regarding to crisis situations or negative news might, in contrast, lead government to react swiftly and symbolically. Its better media access guarantees that even minister’s verbal reactions void of any serious consequence can pass the media gates and become news. More or less the opposite applies to parliament. Parliament, however, is an ambivalent institution with majority and minority initiatives mixed. The legislative part of parliaments’ activities, especially the actual passing of new bills, goes probably through even lengthier checked and balanced procedures than governments actions do. But the daily surveillance and monitoring of government is more flexible and, hence, prone to media impact. Procedures are relatively short, and (opposition) MPs are free to raise whichever topic they want. In terms of strong presidential systems, we expect an even more media responsive presidential agenda than for parliaments. Presidential initiatives are normally less constrained by institutional rules - he/she can communicate about anything anytime - nor are presidents bound by their party, by a government agreement or by internal decision making procedures. Moreover, presidents are expected to react on tidings of misfortune, to show leadership and to reassure the nation that they are in charge. Their media access is almost unlimited since they personify the state’s power. In many presidential regimes the president is a generalist policy maker whose competencies encompass all policy domains. So we expect presidents to be especially susceptible for media coverage and the presidential agenda to be continuously affected by news’ issue attention. The more presidential systems entrust the president with a lot of powers and the less it contains veto players, the easier and faster a president can induce policy changes. The more powerful the president, hence, the more his instant reactions on media coverage might result in real policy outcomes.
Subject to Article 167 of the 1992 constitution, the National Media Commission (NMC) shall not exercise any control or direction over the professional functions of a person engaged in the production of newspapers or other means of communication.
All state-owned media shall afford fair opportunities and facilities for the presentation of divergent views and dissenting opinions.
The role of journalism entails a significant obligation and responsibility, the discharge of which requires journalists to have high ethical standards and to practice a sought of professional journalism with intelligence, accuracy, objectivity and fairness, all aimed at developing people and subsequently nations.
The media as a whole is expected to be well-focused on development programmes by educating the public and entertaining, instead of turning itself into an instrument of black-mail, intimidation, tyranny and an agent of confusion, conflicts, anarchy and chaos.
Ghanaian journalists should consider properly the range of ethical values at stake and be in the best position to make the most appropriate personal decision, having considered all the benefits and consequences.
Every responsible journalist should know that matters involving chieftaincy and land disputes and ethnicity inflame passions. When it comes to these, emotions rather than reason take over.
As indicated earlier, a major role of journalism is to focus on development issues. The question we must ask ourselves today, is whether journalism is doing this role in our country?
Ghanaian journalists face the stiff challenge to change the sometimes negative perception of Ghana. They must report enough and accurately about Ghana. Ghanaian journalists have the challenge to report very extensively the good happenings and successes in the country.
They must develop in themselves a sense of patriotism and pride in their Ghanaians, success stories and the many endeavours in national development.
It is the role of the Ghanaian media to assist in restoring the lost confidence of people in the country by focussing on their achievement, however, small, instead of their failures only and on good government policies to encourage strong leadership and good governance, instead of blaming government leadership all the time for any failures.
Ghanaian media have a duty to recognise the many transformations and economic reforms and successes and report them, to give hope to the Ghanaian people that, it is possible to transform the country to great economic development and prosperity.
Eventhough Ghanaian Journalists formulate the political agenda, they are however not independent in their political reportage.
THE agenda-setting theory is the theory that the mass-news media have a large influence on audiences by their choice of what stories to consider newsworthy and how much prominence and space to give them. Agenda-setting theory’s central axiom is salience transfer, or the ability of the mass media to transfer importance of items on their mass agendas to the public agendas.
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Media practitioners question the competence and integrity of all public office holders without being accountable to anybody. The media have become so powerful in recent times that some commentators conclude that the freedom of press and of expression guaranteed by the Constitution has led to the tyranny of the media.
It is generally agreed that a free press is the tool of public criticism. It holds public officials accountable, opening them up to the judgement of people who can decide whether the government is doing good or whether it has anything to hide.
Article 162 Clause 5 of the Constitution states that “All agencies of the mass media shall, at all times, be free to uphold the principles, provisions and objectives of this Constitution and shall uphold the responsibility and accountability of the government to the people of Ghana.”
The activities of the media have come under scrutiny since the December 7, 2008 general election for very obvious reasons. The media play a very critical role in setting the agenda.
Given that by the nature of journalism profession, journalists are entrusted with empowering the citizenry to make informed decisions, it is imperative that they relentlessly pursue fairness and truth in their reportage.
Shortly after the elections, certain media houses pitted brother against sister just on account that they belonged to different political persuasions. Indeed, during that time keen observers of the media scene had cause to worry about the blatant abuse of the code of ethics of journalism.
This provision imposes a heavy responsibility on all journalists to act as watchdogs of the actions of public officials.
The media of Ghana is one of the most free in Africa, and had previously undergone a series of government overthrows by military leaders and periods of severe restriction.
Chapter 12 of the 1992 Constitution of Ghana guarantees freedom of the press and independence of the media, while Chapter 2 prohibits censorship. Post independence, the government and media often had a tense relationship, with private outlets closed during the military coups and strict media laws that prevent criticism of government.
The media freedoms were restored in 1992, and after the election in 2000 of John Kufuor the tensions between the private media and government decreased. Kufuor was a supporter of press freedom and repealed a libel law, though maintained that the media had to act responsibly. The Ghanian media has been described as "one of the most unfettered" in Africa, operating with little restriction on private media. The private press often carries criticism of government policy. The media were vigorous in their coverage of the 2008 Ghanian presidential election, and the Ghanian Journalists Association (GJA) praised John Atta Mills on his election, hoping to foster a good media-government relationship.
Unfortunately, sometimes some media practitioners abuse this responsibility imposed on them by the Constitution and engage in acts that are not protected by the laws of the land.
To recall again Mr Cofie’s admonition to the media when he asked, “Is it not painful that the great job some of you sought to do during the general election was marred by the bizarre distortion of facts, broadcast of false information and the undue fuelling of passions by others?”
Other professionals have questioned the moral authority of media practitioners to hold public office holders accountable when such values and principles are missing in the discharge of duty by certain journalists, even including trained ones.
There is still believes in the power of the media to help the people to make informed decisions through independent political agenda setting.
The time has come for the media, particularly its professional body, the Ghana Journalists Association (GJA), to intensify continuing education of its members and those who do not belong to the association to compel them to respect the ethics, values and principles of the profession.
Great men like Thomas Jefferson had so much faith in the media because of their power to change society for the better. That was why, confronted with his preference for government or media, he declared, “The basis of our government being the opinion of the people, the very first object should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter.”
There is a call on all media practitioners to resolve to respect their code of ethics and other best practices in order to continue to earn the respect of the public to inform them.
A democratic and free society is dependent on the ability of the media to inform, educate and entertain. But if we allow public resentment for the media to mount because we have become “Jacks of all trades but masters of none”, interest groups from politics, the business community and the clergy will gang up to curtail media freedoms.
Let us, therefore, demonstrate to the people we serve that we shall exercise the freedom guaranteed in the Constitution with responsibility.
We should bear in mind that no society makes progress in a state of nature. The press will continue to provide a forum for public debate and public scrutiny of government if journalists respect the cardinal principles of fairness, accuracy and balance in their reportage.
The need for journalists to live up to their role as neutral referees was crucial and a precondition for successful polls.
So important is the media’s role that their task of educating the electorates to help them to make wise political decisions and not to prejudge the issues.
The call to practitioners of the noble profession, which has become known as the Fourth Estate of the Realm in the country.
Rightly so, journalists have a crucial role in shaping opinions and empowering the voting public with information with which to make informed decisions.
The fourth President of the United States, James Madison, an ardent promoter of free press and free society, once noted that “knowledge will forever govern ignorance; and a people who mean to be their own governors must arm themselves with the power which knowledge gives”.
The freedom that has been accorded the media needs to be used responsibly, as there is no absolute freedom. Everybody in society identifies with the media in one way or another and anything the media churns out is likely to make an impact, either negatively or positively, on different segments of society.
It is for this reason that the state endorses the call on the media to play a leading and responsible role in the run up, during and after the December polls.
There is no better time than now for the media to show their readiness to promote peace, reconciliation and development and there is yet no better journalism than development journalism in which even the bleakest incidents, events and behaviours are looked at and shaped from a development perspective.
This will mean that every act of the media will be guided by the overriding interest of promoting the cause of the larger society, a fair balance of exercising responsibility in freedom.
It is only proper for the media to aspire to promote national peace and stability through the use of temperate and refined language.
It is commended that the GJA use the awards ceremony for journalists as the platform to drum support for efforts by other organisations to sensitise the electorate to the need for free and fair polls.
With a few weeks to the highly anticipated polls on December 7, Ghanaians were encouraged to play their roles as responsible citizens and in this national assignment the media cannot afford to distort the peace with irresponsible reportage.
I believe members of the media fraternity joined the peace-loving Ghanaians to work towards successful elections that established Ghana as a model democratic state in Africa.
The Fourth Republic has already witnessed four elections and the Electoral Commission (EC) has played a key role in making those elections successful.
The commission has demonstrated that it has the character and professionalism to appropriately deal with the competing demands from the various political parties.
Even on occasions when it has been unfairly condemned and criticised, it has refused to crumble under pressure.
As the nation drew closer to the December polls, political campaigns got heated and politicians made last minute efforts to woo voters and improve their chances of winning the elections.
In the heat of these campaigns, some politicians made utterances that tend to question the integrity and fairness of the EC, even when such accusations were baseless and could not be substantiated. It is becoming quite evident that the EC is sometimes unfairly drawn into the politics of the day.
Thus any attempt to characterise the EC as a politically bias entity could serve as a potent distraction to the conduct of free and fair elections.
That is why politicians are called upon to guard their utterances and ensure that they avoid casting the media in a bad light and, thereby, erode the confidence of the electorate in it.
Interestingly, some politicians who are always quick to chastise the media are actually the very people who have been implicated in one shameful electoral malpractice or another.
As has been duly acknowledged by all the political parties, the conduct of free and fair elections is not the responsibility of only the media but also all Ghanaians, including political parties, the judiciary, the media, the security agencies and the electorate.
It is, therefore, hoped that this recognition will find greater practical expression and save the media from any further unfair bashing.
The confidence of the people can only be sustained if the media refuse to bow to any pressure from any quarter and rather rededicates itself to the ideals required for free and fair elections.
And, with the rest of the world closely watching us, Ghana, as a peace-loving country, have demonstrated that we are not only determined to consolidate the gains made so far on our democratic journey, but also committed to maintaining our position as a shining example on the continent.
We have confirmed Ghana as a democratic country, which is offering hope to the continent and our conduct yesterday was a positive way of trying to redeem Africa’s image.
Indeed, apart from isolated cases of misunderstandings and physical aggression, there is a lot to commend ourselves for and it will not be in the least misplaced to remark that this is one of the best elections in the country since 1992.
All over the country it was evident that Ghanaians are more than ever enthralled by multi-party democracy which offers the opportunity for the conduct of periodic elections to select those who will represent the best path towards the future.
The Electoral Commission (EC), security agencies, various political parties and candidates, the media, civil society organisations and the electorate all need to be commended for their role in ensuring peaceful and orderly polls.
The massive turnout devoid of the pre-election tension teaches one lesson that through collaborative efforts, we can find solutions to the challenges that confront us.
Electorate are reminded of the challenges of the post-election thrills and disappointment after the declaration of validated results. If these difficulties are not properly managed, our celebrations can be short-lived as the trouble makers can create doubts in the minds of the people about the credibility of the polls.
However, it is believed that the transparent nature of the polls would be a deterrent to anyone who may choose the path of violence to address whatever concerns that may emerge.
A government of the people, by the people and for the people should in essence harness whatever potential is available irrespective of the political affiliation of the individual who has demonstrated ample competence and has requisite qualification for the task ahead.
The use of a tribal card in an election or nation-building can pose a threat to national unity and civility and be inimical to progress. Again, such an approach can engender divide-and-rule tactics and discrimination and feed into the psyche of the electorate the dangerous mindset of “us and them”, the media has a responsibility to set the agenda to eschew such occurrences.
The Ghanaian media performed creditably in the last elections and hope that the practitioners will continue to play their gate-keeping role to prevent any situation where they can be used as agents of ethnic politics by politicians.
Elections are not a life-and-death issue. Rather, they are a democratic process of taking a decision and exercising one’s preferences for the ideas and programmes presented by a candidate and a party through the ballot box.
The political parties should continue to be modest in their electioneering and refrain from the use of abusive and intemperate language which can inflame passions. Again, it is expected that the electorate, the Electoral Commission and the security personnel will once again rise up to the task and live up to the expectation of organising a transparent peaceful election in the future.
We should not do anything to mar the beauty of our development process by playing the ethnic card which can sow seeds of discord and disunity and prepare the grounds for confusion, social upheavals and violence.
We are now on the plateau of giving further impetus to our development and nature has been kind to us to bestow on us resources such as oil to leap-frog our socio-economic transformation.
There can be ownership of and participation in the decision-making process only if the people know their rights and responsibilities in order to hold the government accountable. Indeed, Article 11 of the Constitution states categorically that "The Sovereignty of Ghana resides in the people of Ghana in whose name and for whose welfare the powers of government are to be exercised in the manner and within the limits laid down in the Constitution."
The struggle over who gets what, when and how is largely carried out in the mass media. Reporters and news editors usually deny that they are powerful political actors, claiming they only mirror society; but the "myth of the mirror" is that the media do play key roles in setting the political agenda by determining what news is to be covered, how much, and in what context.
Agenda Setting: This is the real power of the media. The media do not just passively report the news. They select what is to be covered, thereby setting a political agenda. Conversely, media inattention can allow governments to continue ineffective policies or worse. The media can even propel a latent issue into a "crisis" with which government must deal.
The media have effects in setting the political agenda and in helping form new opinions, but they are less effective in changing existing opinions or in changing political behaviour.
"Information overload" also diminishes the effects of the media, as does the relative disinterest of many Ghanaians in the political news. Moreover, the public exercises selective perception, mentally screening out information and opinions with which they disagree. The result of the media performing their self-declared watchdog role can be alienation rather than reform.
Diverging political agenda-setting studies concerning the mass media’s impact on society are as old as the media themselves.
Opposing views and conflicting research results have led to different conclusions ranging from minimal-effects to powerful mass media. During the last three decades the notion of agenda-setting has probably provided the most influential and fertile paradigm in media and communications research. The mass media determine the political agenda to boost political attention for issues.
The field of media and political agenda-setting is disparate and undertheorized.
As media and political agenda-setting studies are slowly increasing and the subfield is growing to maturity, such an integrative effort comes timely. Only by confronting, comparing and systematising the available evidence generated by previous studies can we make inroads in understanding the media’s political agenda-setting power.
Political agenda-setting implies a time gap between issue coverage and issue adoption by political parties.
Both election and non-election periods times are fundamentally different and that behaviour of political actors, and their reaction on media coverage, follows different logics in both periods.
Depending on the political system, the nature of the media agenda, the specific issues, the methodology, the nature of the political agenda, and the period under study, the results of similar studies can vary extensively.
It is obvious, however, that there are crucial differences between public and political agenda-setting.
As a rule government’s political agenda is less flexible, more cemented by previous arrangements and meticulously balanced agreements. Especially when it comes to coalition governments built on a lengthy government agreement, governments’ substantial policy actions are immunised against media impact. Pressures to react and to show leadership especially regarding to crisis situations or negative news might, in contrast, lead government to react swiftly and symbolically. Its better media access guarantees that even minister’s verbal reactions void of any serious consequence can pass the media gates and become news. More or less the opposite applies to parliament. Parliament, however, is an ambivalent institution with majority and minority initiatives mixed. The legislative part of parliaments’ activities, especially the actual passing of new bills, goes probably through even lengthier checked and balanced procedures than governments actions do. But the daily surveillance and monitoring of government is more flexible and, hence, prone to media impact. Procedures are relatively short, and (opposition) MPs are free to raise whichever topic they want. In terms of strong presidential systems, we expect an even more media responsive presidential agenda than for parliaments. Presidential initiatives are normally less constrained by institutional rules - he/she can communicate about anything anytime - nor are presidents bound by their party, by a government agreement or by internal decision making procedures. Moreover, presidents are expected to react on tidings of misfortune, to show leadership and to reassure the nation that they are in charge. Their media access is almost unlimited since they personify the state’s power. In many presidential regimes the president is a generalist policy maker whose competencies encompass all policy domains. So we expect presidents to be especially susceptible for media coverage and the presidential agenda to be continuously affected by news’ issue attention. The more presidential systems entrust the president with a lot of powers and the less it contains veto players, the easier and faster a president can induce policy changes. The more powerful the president, hence, the more his instant reactions on media coverage might result in real policy outcomes.
Subject to Article 167 of the 1992 constitution, the National Media Commission (NMC) shall not exercise any control or direction over the professional functions of a person engaged in the production of newspapers or other means of communication.
All state-owned media shall afford fair opportunities and facilities for the presentation of divergent views and dissenting opinions.
The role of journalism entails a significant obligation and responsibility, the discharge of which requires journalists to have high ethical standards and to practice a sought of professional journalism with intelligence, accuracy, objectivity and fairness, all aimed at developing people and subsequently nations.
The media as a whole is expected to be well-focused on development programmes by educating the public and entertaining, instead of turning itself into an instrument of black-mail, intimidation, tyranny and an agent of confusion, conflicts, anarchy and chaos.
Ghanaian journalists should consider properly the range of ethical values at stake and be in the best position to make the most appropriate personal decision, having considered all the benefits and consequences.
Every responsible journalist should know that matters involving chieftaincy and land disputes and ethnicity inflame passions. When it comes to these, emotions rather than reason take over.
As indicated earlier, a major role of journalism is to focus on development issues. The question we must ask ourselves today, is whether journalism is doing this role in our country?
Ghanaian journalists face the stiff challenge to change the sometimes negative perception of Ghana. They must report enough and accurately about Ghana. Ghanaian journalists have the challenge to report very extensively the good happenings and successes in the country.
They must develop in themselves a sense of patriotism and pride in their Ghanaians, success stories and the many endeavours in national development.
It is the role of the Ghanaian media to assist in restoring the lost confidence of people in the country by focussing on their achievement, however, small, instead of their failures only and on good government policies to encourage strong leadership and good governance, instead of blaming government leadership all the time for any failures.
Ghanaian media have a duty to recognise the many transformations and economic reforms and successes and report them, to give hope to the Ghanaian people that, it is possible to transform the country to great economic development and prosperity.
Eventhough Ghanaian Journalists formulate the political agenda, they are however not independent in their political reportage.
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